The Kings second inslaving Principle is this.

That his absolute WILL is supream, or a law paramount to all the determinations of Parliaments. That his WILL can dispense with or anull all their Orders and Decrees, so that as his WILL gives a BEING to Parliaments, so likewise its to be the rule of all their Councells, and Decrees, the only point wherein all their resolutions must center, and all their conclusions or orders that run not paralell with his WILL, are null and void in themselves.

This principle, the Kings practice hath written in such Capitall letters, that he which runs may read it, hath he not alwayes claimed a negative voice to all lawes? And I should but light a Candle to shew you the Sun, should I frame demonstrations, to prove that his claime to a negative voice, amounts to this principle: whats the meaning of the negative voice but this? that every Order of Parliament is invalid, and no way obligatory, unlesse the King WILL. Should the Parliament spend seaven yeares in framing lawes, one breath of the King consumes them in a moment: his simple non placet, makes them all no better then Abortives, that never see the Sun. Though the Parliament as it represents the earthly Lord and Creator of the King, THE PEOPLE should condiscend so low, as to petition him to consent to a wholesome law which they have composed, yet if it suites not with his crooked will, its no better then an Almanack out of date; and doe not the ruins, and dessolations, the blood and misery of the Nation, sigh forth to every care, that this principle is ingraven in the Kings mind? was it not to maintaine this principle? that he hath made his footsteps in blood, that he hath given Commissions to powre out the peoples blood like water, to multiply rapes, rapines, murthers, and crueltys without number. Is it not to maintaine this principle? that he hath caused every street to be filled with the mournfull cryes, and brinish teares of the widdow and the fatherlesse.

[18]

O yee Commons of England! mistake not, this was the ground of the Kings quarrell against the Parliament. The quiver of the malice of the subverters of our lawes and liberties, being full of impoysoned arrowes, and their bowes being ready bent against all your noble Patriots in Parliament, and the faithfull to God and their Country, the wisedome of Parliament conceived it of absolute necessitie, to dispose of the Militia into such confiding hands, as it might be a shield and buckler unto them and the people. And accordingly an Ordinance was drawn for that purpose [l] in February 1641. and the King refusing obstinately to concurre, they [m] resolved on March 2. 1647. forthwith to execute their own Ordinance, thereupon the Kings indignation flamed against them, swearing by [n] God on March 10. that he would not grant the settlement of the Militia for an houre. But this principle was the bellowes to the fire of his wrath, that his WILL is supreme to all the resolutions of Parliaments. Consult his Declaration March 9. 1641. from New Market 1. part of book of Parliaments Declarations pag. 106. and his message from Huntington, March 15. 1641. 1. part book Declarat. pag. 114. prohibiting all the people to presume under pretence of Order, or Ordinance not consonant to his WILL, to execute any thing concerning the Militia, or any other matters, whatsoever. And on March 26. 1642. 1. part book of Declarat. pag. 126. he declares the Houses Ordinances to be void and NOTHING. Read the Kings Declaration of May 6. 1. part book of Parliaments Decla. pag. 175, 176. Read his Message about Hull, 1. part book Decl. pag. 182. and his answer to the Parliaments Remonstrance of May 19. 1642. 1. part book Decl. pag. 243. see his answer to the Parliaments Remonstrance of May 26. 1642. 1. part book Decl. pag. 289. 292. and in the same answer, book Decl. pag. 289 He collects from the Parliaments Remonstrance, such positions as are abominable to him, amongst which he inserts this, that the Parliament affirmes, he hath no negative voice [o] to lawes. But the Parliament being sensible that the people had betrusted them with all thats dearest to them, adheared to their resolutions of proceedings according to the fundamentall lawes, and their highest trust, to settle the Militia for the security of the peoples Lives, Liberties and Estates.

Thereupon the King by Proclamation of May [p] 27. 1647. breathed out most terrible menaces against all that should yeeld obedience to that Ordinance: and forthwith Commissions of Array were issued [19] out, and least that principle of the supremacy of his WILL, should have been obliterated, he resolved to have it written in red Characters with the peoples blood.

And though the curse of the Almighty, hath rested upon his right hand, and right eye, in his prosecution of that design, yet the whole current of his endeavours at present, tends to induce the Parliaments and Armie, to avow that principle by a law: and whosoever consults his last Declaration from Hampton Court, may observe that his indignation boyles against the opposers of a Negative voice, which he claimes for himself, and the Lords his Creatures, and the result of that is but this maxime; that the WILL of him, and of what Creatures he shall please to create, is supream to the determinations of the peoples representative. And though this maxime be pleaded for only in the negative, yet the consequence extends to establish it also in the affirmative: for the Kings WILL may be as justly supream to the Parliaments resolutions, in the question of his making a law against their consent, as of his denying a law against their desires.

The Kings third vasalizing or inslaving Principle is this.]

That its his essentiall propertie to sit in the throne as our God on earth, without any BAND upon him to conforme his actions to our lawes, as their proper rule. He arrogates to himself, a superiority to all lawes, and an exemption from all the censures and penalties which are the strength, vigour, and life of the lawes. He imagine himself to be exalted to that transcendent height, that its prophanenesse for the wisest, most noble Heroes, that ever sprung from Adams loynes; to presume Actiones inspicare, to pry into the Arke of his most sacred actions he fretted and fumed against the Parliament, for asserting that they had power to iudge [q] his actions, and whether he discharged his trust. And to what doe this amount: seeing he allowes not the supream authority of the Nation, the peoples Representatives, to passe judgement upon his actions, no not of his faithfullnesse to the people in his office, or treachery against them, by necessary consequence; no penalty can possible be inflicted upon him for the foulest crimes that can be the fruit of those seeds of Iniquity, wherewith his heart is filled Though he should by his immediate hand like Manasseth, fill the streets with the blood of the innocent, yet he shall be secure from all [20] the Arrowes of justice that can be shot from the bow of the law against him. And seeing he thus usurps a freedome from the judgement and censure of the law, how is he oblieged to regulate his actions by the law, doubtlesse the binding power of lawes meerly humaine, as they are such, consists in their censures and penalties annexed to them, to be inflicted upon the transgressors of them, and therefore his disavowing any iudge of his actions, is tant amount, as if he possitively and expresly averred, that the lawes are not the rule of his actions, and this would keep harmony or agreement with that avowed maxime, that THE KING CAN DOE NO WRONG. [r]

The Kings fourth inslaving Principle is this.

That the estates, liberties, and lives of the whole Nation, are his RIGHT and PROPERTY, and at his absolute WILL and pleasure for the disposing whereof be neither OVGHT nor can be REQUJRED to render the least ACCOVNT.

In his answer to the Parliaments Remonstrance of May 26. 1642. he avers, that he had the same title [s] to the Town of Hull, which any man hath to his money or lands, and in the same dialect he speakes and writes, OVR Townes, Forts, and Magazines. And doubtlesse if he hath such a property in all the Townes of England, he hath the same property in all the people that he hath in their houses, and therefore he claimes the disposall of their persons by his personall commands, in the same manner, wherein a man commands the use of his money. But theres no clearer Christall glasse, through which every eye may read this principle fairly written in the Kings heart, then his proud claim to the absolute sole command of the whole Militia, therein he insults like a reall Conquerer, at whose feet the Estates, Liberties, and lives of the Nation lye prostrate. IN VS (saith he to the Parliament) and JN VS ONLY is that power to command the Militia [t] placed. And againe, with the authority in execution of the Militia, God [u] hath trusted us solely. And likewise in his letter to Leicestershire, Iune 12. 1642. It belongs (saith be) SOLELY to us to order and governe the Militia of the Kingdome. [w]

And so absolute an intire power doth he plead for, in this Command of the Militia, that at his pleasure he disdaines the advice of the people in Parliament, when the Parliament declared, that his trust with the [21] Militia was to be managed by their advice, [x] and that the Kingdome had betrusted them for that purpose. Can it be beleeved? (saith the King) that the people intended you for our Guardians and Controlers in that trust.

Besides this his single Arbitrary command, of the whole Militia, let his claim be considered to an entire power of treaties of War or peace without consent or advice of Parliament, and to raise men for forraign service at his pleasure; And then it will appeare indisputable, that he esteemes the estates, liberties, persons, and lives of all the people at his own dispose, by this its invincibly evident, that he pretends to such an interest, or propertie in our liberties and lives, that he may at his pleasure rend us from our neerest relations, command us to expend our estates, and hazzard our persons, and yet he professe he owe no ACCOVNT [y] [z] to any but God in the managing of this trust of such vast consequence, and importance, he disavowes the peoples power in their Deputies the Parliament to intermedle either in advising him or taking ACCOMPTS of the discharge of his duty. The people (saith he) are by their oaths uncapable of conferring such a trust upon their representatives. Thus he erects to himself a Throne so high, that the estates, liberties, persons, and lives of all the people, must be his foot-stoole. And least any should conceive that the King intends to be regulated by law, in disposing of all the peoples enjoyments, which he claimes as his property, he hath professedly assumed to himself, the supream indiciall power [a] to declare the sense of the Law: So that in the issue it amounts to the same, that the whole Nation should be at his absolute WILL and pleasure exposed unavoidably, to what rapes, rapines, murthers, and abuses may proceed from him or his Creatures.

The Kings fift beloved principle.

That its essentiall to his absolute dominion and greatnesse to maintaine the government of the Church by Bishops; Qualii pater, talis silius, the infection of this principle is Morbus Hereditarius, it was part of the inheritance that diseended to him from his father. No Bishop, no King, was a principle maxim in his fathers Politicks, and Naturam expellas furca, licet usq; recurret, policie commanded him once to condiscend to the settlement of a Presbyterie for three yeares, but love to tyranny hired his conscience for its advocate, to plead against the demolishing the pillars of Prelacy, their Lordships, lands and Pallaces: [22] its Sacriledge, saith that Advocate very devoutly, to convert the goods of the Church to civill prophane uses.

Now let us search whether under the Armies Proposalls, Jreton have not craftlly hidden these glittering pearles of the Crown, as Rachell hid Labans Idols.

Truly at a superficiall view, the first of these Jewells of the Crown may be discovered. Its the continued voice of the Proposalls.

That all power and authority in this Nation is fundamentally seated in the WILL of the King, his heires and successors.

They proclaime aloud as with a Trumpet, that all power in Courts of Iudicature, and all Officers both military and civill, ought DE IURE REGALI, to be the CREATVRES of his WILL. This is the unanimous voice of the 1, 2, and 3. [b] particular under the first generall proposall. And of the 1, 2, and 3. particulars in the second Proposall, and the third Proposall is but a dependant upon the second. Likewise the voice of the fourth proposall concurres with the former, and the foureteenth and last proposall in order to a peace with the King, and his settlement, is a seale to all the former, and the ninth and eleventh Proposall in effect, or by consequence speakes the same of the sole power of the Kings WILL to abolish Courts of Iudicature, Officers and their powers, that the former doth of its power to constitute them.

To make it evident.

1. Such an earthly omnipotency to create all Officers of power and trust in this Nation, as none can be made or appointed but by his Will is proposed to returne to him and his heires after 10. years. Thus in the second Proposal concerning Military Officers, its proposed that only for ten yeares the representative of all England (who are betrusted with all power [c]) should dispose of the Militia, and then to return to the King, as if that command did properly and peculiarly belong to him. Whats a clearer acknowledgement of the power of the Militia, de iure, to belong to him? then thus, to receive it from him by gift, grant, or lease for ten yeares. And though its added, that after ten yeares, the King that NOW IS, shall not order, dispose, or exercise the Militia without the consent of Parliament. Yet thats but a clearer declaration of his right and interest, because he is by that acknowledged to have the principall, supream power over the Militia, only there shall be a restriction of that power, or an obligation upon him, to admit of the advice of Parliament, and having gained so cleare a confession (should [23] these Proposalls have passed) of his Right to exercise the Militia at pleasure: can a rationall head imagine, that he will suffer the advice of a Parliament, to bound, or limit his will in executing that power, whensoever oportunity, or occasion shall prompt him? especially considering that his Concession of the ten years lease of this power, was during the restraint of his person, and so voyd and null in Law: but however, there wil be a constant occasion of a new Controversie, and Imbruing the Nation againe in blood. This was the late Quarrell, that the King would exercise the Militia [a] without the advice, or consent of Parliament. But further, the power of creating al Military Officers is yet more clearely (if possible) stated in the Kings will; for the Proposals leave his claime to the Militia, and his Right, as its acknowledged by them, to descend to his Heires as an inheritance, and lay not the least obligation upon them, to accept, or admit of the advice, or consent of Parliament, in their exercise of it; and therefore no Question, Commissary Gen. IRETON politiquely inserted his Majesty THAT NOW IS shall not dispose of the Militia without the consent or advise of Parliament. Surely he was observant of the Kings Message sent by Sir John Berclay from Oxborne to Bedford after the Proposalls were sent to him, viz. that he would agree with them provided that they desired nothing that intrenched upon the honour or power of his Posterity, or his owne Conscience, i.e. the abolishing Bishops. The exposition of which is this, Let it be provided, that the Power which he usurped to create Authorityes, & Officers, Military, and Civill at his will, be declared his Right; at least, virtually, and by Consequence, by being suffered to descend as his proper Right, [b] to his Posterity, that so he may in effect, be justified, in drinking up so much innocent Blood; and may with appearance of Justice, when oportunity serves, Wade in Blood again, to re-instate himselfe in a boundlesse power: or at least that his SONNE, whose tender hands are already washed in blood, may be invested with power to revenge his fathers Quarrell. [24] Let this be done and he shall then agree.

And in the same manner the power of disposing all the Civil Officers, is proposed to returne to him after ten yeares; and so likewise that shall descend as a right to his Heires; thus in the fourth [c] Proposall: and the seeming Limitation of that power, by the Parliaments nomination of three persons for any great Office, out of which the King should elect, though its but a shadow of freedome in it selfe, yet its not proposed to extend to the Heires of the King, so that its positively declared to be the Kings Right singly by his absolute will to Create all Officers, Now what can more exactly run parallel, with the Kings prime inslaving principle, then these proposalls? the King contended at first, only for a cleare stating such an absolute power in him, In his answer to the Parliament concerning the Militia, (saith he) we [d] expected that that necessary power should be first invested in us, before we transferre it to other men. And you may observe, that congruent to this, is the Kings late voluntary proffer to the Parliament, to give them the disposing of the Militia during his Life: thereby he should attaine his end, viz. an acknowledgement, that De jure, that power resides in him, and a conveyance of a claime to the pretended Right, to his successors: whereby the people shall be vassalls to their wills.

2. A power of constituting at his pleasure A PARLIAMENT, (where in the supreame Authority resides) is proposed in the third [e] particular of the first proposall: I confesse, there is a shadow of Restriction to the absolutenesse of his will, in constituting a Parliament; Its said thus: the King upon advice of the Councell of State to call a Parliament in the intervalls of Bieniall Parliaments, but what intelligent head discernes not, that the King, who scornd the advice of Parliament, when they declared it his duty to manage his trust by the advice of that [f] Grand Councell, will incomparably more disdaine, any contradiction of his will, by a petty Councel, new constituted? And if it may be supposed, that such a Councell, should not only be such [25] chaste virgins, as to loath the defilements by Court embraces, but also such Noble Heroick Champions, as would make their integrity their shield, and be fearlesse of those sharpest Arrows, the Kingly frowns; and so should dare to enter the lists, to contest with the King, should all this (I say) be supposed, yet can it rationally be imagined, that the Interest of such an unknowne, unheard of Councell, in the Peoples hearts, should be able to parallel the Kings Interest? should such a Councell, issue forth their Orders, to contradict the Kings writs for elections; would the influence of such Orders from an unheard of Authority, countervaile the influence of the Kings writ upon the People? neither doth the Proposals invest that new potentiall Councel, with such a power to oppose the Kings WILL in that particular, its not said that he shall not call a Parliament without the advice of that Councell, so that his WILL is in effect allowed by this Proposall to give being to a Parliament.

And by this Proposall, When so ever the Parliament shall be disolved, (which I suppose by the concurrence of the Kings will, and their own, shall be everlasting, if he be once invested with such power as is proposed; for there can never be a Parliament more obliged, and engaged to serve the Kings corrupt ends, then this will be, upon his re-establishment:) yet (I say) should it be disolved, the King might call a Parliament within a Month, to try at least, whether they would contribute more to the estating an absolute boundless power in his will, and abolish those toothlesse, uselesse Lawes, that were small bounds and limits to its exorbitancy.

And in case men of worth, and integrity, faithfull to God and their Country, should be elected, then he may disolve them in the imediate succeeding day or houre, to the manifestation of their faithfullnesse, and there is no restriction in this Proposall to the Kings will, from issuing out new writs for another election, and another after that also, before a Bieniall Parliament be called, and then may the interest of him and his creatures, in the [26] Cities and Country, be improved with more diligence against that new election; so that by investing the Kings will with a power to give a being to Parliaments, Ad libitum, if all circumstances be duely weighed, as to his influence upon the People in Elections, and to his power of disolving them at pleasure; to his superiority to them, by his Negative voice, and that all subordinate authorities, powers, and offices, may be erected, or abolished, made or displaced, without controversie, by his concurrence with them: In the result of all, it amounts to little lesse, then the making his will the originall of all Power and Authority in this Nation.

But that which appeares to intrench upon the Royall Prerogative, or that Principle, that the Kings will is the originall of all power, is the provision made in the 1, and 2. part of the first Proposall, for certain Bieniall Parliaments, and their certain sitting 120. dayes; hereby it seemes the being of some Parliaments shall not have their foundation in the Kings will, or depend upon it for their continuance, as those other (as they are called) extraordinary Parliaments: But whatsoever eye shall pierce through the bowels of these Proposals, shall neither see such absolute certainty for these Bieniall Parliaments, nor such independency of them, for their being, or power, upon the Kings will, as their superficies pretend.

First, the provision for the certainty of their being, is the same that was in the Act for trieniall Parliaments; and according to that Act, the Parliament is to be summoned, (or to have its being) primarily from the Kings Writ, the tenure of which is this, Quoddam Parliamentum nostrum teneri, &c. Nos ordinavimus We have decreed a Parliament of ours to be holden, &c. i.e. Its our will that a Parliament be holden, &c. Now how neare a compliance there is in this, with the Kings principle, that Parliaments have their being from his [g WILL, the most purblind eye may discern: And though the King be obliged to issue out such Writs, yet in case of his default the same Writs are to be issued [27] out by the Chancellour, or Lord Keeper, then by twelve Peeres, &c. but how uncertain the being of these Bieniall Parliaments may be, notwithstanding all such provision for the issuing forth Writs for elections, let Englands sad experience testifie; while Parliaments were so long discontinued by the King; that it was a crime to name them: there were Lawes and Statutes, for the Kings calling a Parliament at least once every year; [h but alas! such Lawes as require personall observance or obedience from Kings, are uselesse ciphers, while Kings are permitted to claime a superiority to the Law, or an exemption from the censures or penalties annexed. And though inferiour officers are appointed to issue forth Writs for Elections, in case the King neglects, yet that is no security, Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis, when King James in an humour to try his Nobles, at noone-tide vowed he discerned a Star shining bright a little distance from the Sun, most of the Nobles vowed they saw it: Dionisius courtiers lickt his spittle, vowing it to be sweeter then Nectar and Ambrosia: who can imagine that the Kings creatures, as the Lord Keeper, Lord Chancellour, or the Peeres, will beare the Kings direfull frownes, for the Peoples sake? That they will issue forth Writs in the Kings name, when his pleasure shall be signifyed to them to the contrary: yea, suppose a miracle, that vertue and faithfulnesse, should once bee exalted to such Dignity to be Lord Keeper, Lord Chancellor, &c. so that there should be an attempt, to issue forth Writs for elections in the Kings name; who should secure those Officers, from the impoysoned arrowes of the Kings indignation, untill elections were made, and the Parliament assembled? who knowes not that the Forces in pay, will be at the Kings beck, when ever he be warme in his Throne? Did not many Regiments at Ware cry out, for the King and Sir Thomas, for the King and Sir Thomas? and shal not the King then over-awe, or crush, every such faithfull Officer? And when every gallant Officer in his various Orbe, be slain, or foyled, in his encounter with the Kings fury, [28] where will probably the first Champion be found amongst the People? to invite the People together, in despight of the Kings power or wrath to make their elections.

Indeed its beyond controversie (Consideratis considerandis) that there is no possible provision for an absolute certainty of the being of Parliaments, while the People shall depend upon Writs or Warrants for elections; neither can I imagine what shadow of sound reason can be rendred, for the least use, much lesse necessity of such Writs or Warrants. The day of the Parliments meeting shall be certain, and why should not one certain day be prefixed, whereupon all the People might meet on course in their several divisions to elect the Members? Parliaments proper use is to preserve the Peoples freedome, from the incroachment of the King and his creatures; who therefore will be so faithful to the People to provide for Parliaments, as they will be to themselves and their owne freedome?

But though through the obscurity of that Proposall, every eye should not discerne a perfect union between the Kings enslaving principle, and these two proposalls, which beares the highest pretence to our freedomes, yet the correspondency between them is grossely palpable: the second particular Proposall clearly offers, that the being of every Parliament, for halfe the time of its sitting, should depend totally upon his absolute will: after 120. dayes, saith the proposall, Parliaments to be adiournable or dissolvable by the King; i.e. at his will and pleasure: herein, both the established Law and the foundations of freedome are overturnd; this Proposal constitutes the King the supreame judge of the Peoples safety, which in the controversie about Ship money, was contradicted by Parliament, and partly upon that consideration, those Judges that allowed it were severely censured: and its more expresly declared by Parliament, that the King is not supreame Judge [i] of the peoples safety, in their reply to the kings answer to their declaration of May 26. 1642. and by Law Parliaments ought to sit untill every petition of the [29] people be duely answered, and a publike demand by Proclamation in the Parliament, and within the pallace of the Parliament, whether any hath delivered a petition and hath not received answer: so that in effect, the people are the supreame Judge of their own freedome and security, and may only continue or dissolve the Parliament, or punctually prefixe the time of their sitting, which through the danger of mens corruption by long continuance in so high a trust, is of extreame necessity: I shall omit here (for brevity sake) to discover how wide a doore of opportunity this Proposall sets open to the king, to obtain a faction in Parliament, for his corrupt interest, and then to continue it, to enslave the People by a Law: and this advantage to the King would want no evidence; if the Parliaments dependance upon him, by reason of his negative voice in the whole time of their sitting be considered; and to that, adde their dependance upon him for their very being, halfe the time: It is well known, Occasio facit Furem, it is oportunity makes a Thiefe and a Tyrant. [k]

But further, as those Proposals cleare not Parliaments from a dependance upon the Kings will for their very being: so much lesse do they evidence that the power of Parliaments is not derived originally from the Kings will; yea rather they secretly establish the Kings maxime, that his will is the fountain of their Power: This highest treachery against the freedomes of England, lyes closely couched under their approbation of calling Parliaments by the Kings accustomed Writs, according to the Act for trieniall [l Parliaments; the forme of the Writ is this, Quia de advisamento & assensu consilii nostri pro quæbusdam arduis & urgentibus negotiis nos, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum, &c. teneri ordinavimus. Herein the King prescribes the Parliaments power, confining it only to advise, and limiting that advice, Ad quædam ardua, to some hard things; and so the whole power of Parliaments seem to be received from the Kings will, [m as matter of trust; and Com. Gen. Ireton, when he framed the Proposals, [30] was well acquainted, that the King by vertue of this Writ claimed the power of Parliaments to be matter of trust, conveighed from him, or his will. Saith he, what the extent of their Commission and [n trust is, nothing can better teach them, then the Writ whereby they are met; they are our Counsellors, and not in all things, but in some, De quibusdam arduis, in some difficult matters: and he produces a president of a miscarriage of Queen Elizabeths committing one Wentworth, a Member of Parliament to the Tower, for proposing that they might advise her in a matter that shee thought they had nothing to do to medle in; thus the Parliament is claimed to be the trustees of the King, and their power so to have its foundation [* in his will, that he may censure them at pleasure, if they shall advise him in any thing not consonant to his will: all this was clearly known by Ireton, and objected to him urgently, when his Proposals were upon the Forge, and yet there is not the least exception taken against the calling Parliaments by those Writs: And the king having so candidly declared this enslaving maxime, and so ingeniously expounded his own Writ, and after so hot and bloody a contest about the extent of the Parliaments power, and trust, if that forme of Writs for elections be now established, how can the truth of the kings turkish principle, that his will is the originall of Parliaments power, be more clearely attested? and what would such an agreement with the king, amount to lesse, then boring of our eares for perpetuall vassallage to his will, or lust?

3. To demonstrate if possible yet more clearely, that these Proposals do establish the kings first enslaving principle: It is to be observed, that whatsoever power for present is estated in [31] Parliament by the proposals either to dispose of the Militia make warre or peace about the calling or dissolving Parliaments, disposiing Officers Military or Civil &c. is declared in the 14. proposal to be a Limitation to the exercise of the Regal power; here by its insinuated, or rather clearly declared, that all that power now proposed in the things aforesaid, to be exercised by the Parliament ought de jure to be exercised by the King; so that the right to the Militia, to the disposall of offices, calling, and dissolving of Parliaments, is stated in him; and consequently, the King contended only for his right, and must be justified from all the blood, Lamentations, and Woes, that are the effects and issues of the late warre, and so the price of our blood, shall be betrayed into our enemies hands, and all shall be engaged to adore his most sacred WILL, as of right their supream Lord, and Law-giver; and let no man question the Kings unwearied uncessant dilligence, to recover his declared right.

4. If evidence may super-abound take notice that all the Limitations to the exercise of the regall power, are proposed to be received as Acts of his GRACE by a Le-roy Le-veut, the conquered enemy must be petitioned to grant, and confirme the price of the blood of thousands: and an act drawn in this form. YOVR MAJESTIES LOYAL SVBJECTS who have subdued your Maiesty by their sword, whose prisoner now you are, now assembled in Parliament, do HVMBLY PRAY, [o] that it be inacted, &c. spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici? I might still further add, that by these proposalls, the abolition of all Courts, or offices, which have flayed of the peoples skins, and even eaten their flesh, The abolition (I say) of those, is to depend at present upon the Kings WILL, and PLEASVRE. The King being allowed a Negative voice in the Proposalls (as shall appeare) not the least of the of the multitude of the Oppressive Courts, and Offices, that are even Canibals to the people, can be abolished, but by that WILL of his, which is totally intent upon creating oppressions, and estating himself in an absolute, unlimited, dominion, that at pleasure he may devoure and destroy his opposers with a word. But especially let these foure distinct notes be conioyned in one; let the return after ten years of an Omnipotency to his WILL to creat all Officers both Military and Civill: the acknowledgement (in effect) of the BEING and POWER of Parliaments to depend upon his WILL: the insinuation, that the chiefe powers exercised by the supreame Court of Parliament, is only a limitation to the exercise of a regall power, not a declaration of the nature of a regall power: and the accepting of all such limitations, as acts of favour and grace from his WILL. Let all these I say [32] be considered, and let every impartiall Iudgement, passe his sentence upon the question, whether IRETONS and CROMWELS (or as they are called the Armies) PROPOSALLS, doe not confirme that foundation of tyranny, the Kings first enslaving principle? viz. that all power and authority in this nation, is fundamentally seated in the Kings WILL.

And is this the freedom they ingaged to plead for? O monstrum horrendum informe, &c. is this the fruit of those fairest blossomes that ever sprouted forth in an English June? Are these the silver streames of justice, that the thirsty, perishing people longed after? but to proceed. [†]

Is not the Kings 2 inslaving principle as visibly confirmed by the Proposalls as the first? cannot every humble eye read in them, that the Kings absolute WILL is supreame, or a law paramount to all the determinations of Parliament. Let the seventh particular in the full proposall, be compared with the fourteenth proposall. In the seventh particular its proposed, that the orders, and rules set down by the Commons in Parliament, for the freedome of election of their Members, and the right constitution of their own house be as lawes, thus restraining the Kings negative voice, only in that one particular.

And in the fourteenth proposall, its expresly desired, that here might be no further limitation to the EXERCISE of the regall power, then according to the foregoing particulars. And the King esteemes his usurpation of that Negative voice (though contrary to his oath) one of the fairest flowers in the Garland of his regall rights. So that in this, Cromwell and Ireton come little short of the King himself, in pleading for this his second enslaving principle.

As for that particular, wherein its proposed to be restrained: the generall settlement of it, renders it vaine and uselesse. To what purpose should the strength of the Plow-man be spent in sowing the field, whose tender fruit is alwayes blasted in the blossome? What is it better then sisiphi saxum voluere to sow the wind; to be labours for the right constitution of Parliaments, when the Kings breath shall blast the fruit of all their labours in a moment, with a Le-roy Le-evisera? Wherfore should the people trifle away their precious time, in tedious toylesome journies to elections, to send the worthies of their country, only to know the Kings WILL, and PLEASVRE? and wherefore should the Heroick spirits of any gallant patriots, stoop to such unworthiness, as to sit in Parliament weaving Penelopes webbs, to compose wholsome lawes, for the King to abolish with his NEGATIVE VOICE? Is this, O Cromwell the right of the people in their Parliaments? which you would engage your lives to secure? is this I say the peoples [33] right to have 500. Senators sit like prometheus pictures, only fit to be gazed upon?

Doe not nature dictate (O Ireton!) that Parliaments are intended to be the panacea, the Catholicall Medicine for a distempered Nation? the balme of Gilead to heale all its wounds, and restore its spirits? can this then be security for the right of the people in their Parliaments, to im-power the King, who chiefly wounds the people by oppression, to spill by his negative voice the balsome prepared by Parliaments? or to stay and stop at his pleasure, the Parliaments hands, from applying the plaisters of wholesome lawes, to the peoples bleeding wounds? sed quo feror?

3. Is not the Kings third enslaving principle also hidden in the concavity of these Proposalls? doe they not provide to inthrone him, without imposing the least band or obligation upon him, to conforme his actions to the rule of our lawes? I confesse this peare of the Kings, is endeavoured (Artist-like) most invisibly to be set in his Crown. But let any impartiall reader, take the following notes as a Christall glasse, through which he may search for this principle in this royall cabinet.

1. In these Proposalls, there is no judge of the Kings actions assigned, or appointed, though its known, that according to his principle, he hath disavowed the Parliaments being IVDGE of the discharge of his trust. Now what effectuall band is upon him, to respect the Law, as the rule of his actions; when there shall be none invested with authority to measure his ways by that rule, or to apply the law to him? Whosoever can distinguish (as to coercive obedience) between being without law and being without judge, applyer, or executer of the Law, Erit mihi magnus Apollo. [p]

2. [† In those Proposalls, neither the Kings personall rights are declared nor his regall power deciphered, and yet its proposed, that there might be no dimunition of his personall rights, nor further limitation of the exercise of his regall power then they proposed, Now how is it possible that he should be bound to regulate his actions by the law, when the meum & tuum, the ius & iniuria, the mine, and thine, the right, and wrong, between the people and him are not determined What violation of law? what incroachment upon the peoples rights and freedomes? what oppression? what iniury or abuse? what monstrous wickednesse can be imagined? which the King cannot shelter or justifie under pretence of exercising his regall power, or using and improving his personall rights, or prerogatives? When Hollis and Stapletons faction were but semy-Courtiers, did they not shelter themselves under the unknown [q] priviledges of Parliament, in most, unparaleld [34] injustice? oppression and tyranny, in subverting the foundation of the peoples freedome, viz. their right of petitioning? and doubtlesse the Kings actions must be Lawes, while it may be a sufficient answer to any breach of law, objected against him, to say its an act of his regall power, or its his prerogative, or personall right; and no man knowes the extent of any of these. Therefore, the necessary consequence of these Proposalls, is, that the King should have dominion without any band upon him; that the LAW shall be his RVLE to walk by. And lest any should excuse the crim of Cromwel or Ireton in this particular, because although they leave this principle of slavery without opposition, yet they propose it not possitively to be confirmed; I say only this, Qui non servat patriam cum potist, idem facit destruenti patriam, a neglecter to preserve the people, when he hath power, and an actuall destroyer of the people may be pictured hand in hand.

3. In the 9. particular of the first proposall, a power is allowed in the King, to prevent at pleasure the execution of the law upon any offenders, censured by any other Court of justice, then the Parliament; and what doth that amount to lesse then an allowance, that his will and actions are above the law: seeing the law shall be no band upon him, when he please, obliging him so much as to permit the execution of the purest, and most necessary justice upon the highest offender: And to this I might add, their allowance of the execution of all law, in his name only, as by vertue of his authority: which in the consequence excludes him from being censured by the lawes, and so exempts him from any penall obligation, to regulate his actions by the law.

And now I must again expostulate Js this, O Cromwel, that [r] security to the freeborne people, that they should not be subject to such oppression, injury, and abuse, as had been attempted, which you JNGAGED to provide? Js this (J say) security from oppression? to subject them to the WJLL of a King, whose action shall be above lawest who shall have no obligation upon him, to conforme his actions to any other rule? then his perverse, crooked WILL? Who shall be under no penall restraint, from the most monstrous horrid wickednesse, that ever the policie of Hell contrived. Is this (I say againe) security (O Cromwell) to subject the people to a King, who shall incurre no penalties though he heap up oppression, as his Giants did mountaines? though he should vassalize the people so faire [Editor: illegible word] to make them Lacky after his basest lusts? who should be capable of no censure though he should defloure every amiable Virgin, and ravish every comly Matrone? yea though he should in [Editor: illegible word] the hands with the blood of every gallant Champion [35] for Englands freedome? And yet againe, is this security (O Cromwell) to estate a King in a regall power of an unknown extent, with personall rights, and prerogatives, whose dimensions were never measured? whose bottome no line of reason could ever fathome? O will not all the rights and freedomes of the faithfull to God and their Country be suddainly swallowed up in the bottomlesse, devouring Lake of the Kings unknown, regall power, and personall rights? O is this the price of Englands blood? to be subject to a King, who shall at his pleasure stop the current of justice, that the poore and dissolate shall cry for, against their oppressors and devourers? you though a mournefull widdow should cry against the murtherer of her dearest husband? sed me reprimo.

4. The Kings 4th enslaving principle is also locked up securely in these proposalls: the estates, liberties and lives of the whole nation are (at least vertually) declared to be the Kings RJGHT and PROPERTY. this is the proposalls naturall language, almost every Proposall affords matter for premises, from whence this principle may be rightly inserted as the conclusion.

What is the deriving of the power, yea the very being of Parliaments from his WILL, as their radix or originall? as in the 1, 2, and 3. particular of the first proposall? what is that lesse then a receiving all our liberties as by gift from him? And what is the dependance of Parliaments upon his WILL, both for being and power in a great measure? as in the same particulars compared with the 14. proposall; what is it lesse then an acknowledgement of such a property in our liberties, as he may dispose of them by his will? [s]

And what meanes the estating the Negative right of raising moneys, upon the people for publique service in his WILL? and desiring a lease from him of that for ten years? as in the 3. particular of the second [t] proposall? doth not this declare that he hath such a property in the whole Kingdomes money, as the peoples representatives shall not like faithfull Stewards use their masters moneys, but according to his will? Sed multa dicere, dum pauca loquor to take an evidence paramount, and universally inclusive: what meanes the estating the right to an absolute command, of the whole Militia solely in him? and his heires? and further, the sole power of treaties of war & peace? of raising men for forraign service at pleasure? thus in the first and second particulars in the second proposall, and the fift particular in the 3. proposall, and the fourteen proposall. Js not this such an estating the right of all the peoples liberties, and lives in him; [u] that layes all their heads at [36] his mercie? that it makes them tenants at will to their liberties, estates, and lives. If the Kings ambitious humor, or revengefull passion, shall provoke him to warre, he shall command the people from their houses, trades, relations, to lacky after his Will, with the hazard of their lives. And as the King scorned to be oblieged to the advice of Parliament in that command, so these proposalls are silent as to any obligation upon him, as to doe rights to admit of the advice of Parliament in his exercising that power. Doubtlesse every Reader may discern in this Cromwells proffering all the peoples cares to the King to be bored for perpetuall vassalge, whatsoever any English man calls his own, is by this, prostitute to the will or lust of the present and future succeeding Tyrants.

And as for the appendix of this principle viz: that no account of his demeanour can be required in this disposall of the peoples libertyes, persons, and lives the proposals preserve it untouched. [w]

Is not this included by proposing all power, to be derived from him, and making in effect (as he doth himselfe) the Supreame power of Parliaments, to be a trust from him? had Cromwell, and, Ireton intended the obliterating of that vilest principle, the destruction of that mother of mischief; they would have declared the truth according to their principle in Parliament, that the Ks. power is [x] intrusted to him, by the people in their representative, and so derived from the people in Parliament. And that an acompt of the discharge of his trust might be required by the people in Parliament. This principle, that no account can be required of the K. being the originall of tyranny & oppression: they would not have valued their dearest blood to the consequence of drawing the black line of everlasting forgetfullnesse upon it. But is it not in stead thereof proposed to be established a law? [y]

To omitt that evidence of the dependance of the power of the Commons in Parliament upon the King: What meanes the cleare allowance of the King to convey a power by his WILL to his Creatures the Lords equall to that highest power of the Commons in Parliament? are not the Peers the Kings meer Creatures; receiving all their power from the Kings Pattent? and yet doe not the Proposalls allow to them a power Co-ordinate with the representative of England: what is this but to derive the highest power from the King? and then the King being transcendent both to the highest authorities and lawes by consequence, none can de jure require an account of his demeanors.

[37]

O my once much honoured Cromwell, can that breast of yours, which was the quondam royall pallace of principles of freedome, and iustice? can that breast, harbour such a monster of wickednesse, as this regall principle? can you that professe communion with the God of Iustice, plead for a pattent for the King to make a Monopoly of injustice? that he may impune, without punishment doe evill with both hands earnestly: Can your Pallate, which was once only pleased with the clearest Christall streames of justice, now relish such sharpe pestilentiall poyson, as this principle: a poyson which will eate in sunder the basis and foundation of liberty and propertie. Are all the impressions of the peoples former miseries, (the sad consequences of this position) raced out of your memorie? Is it forgotten, what a flood gate of Mischief was opened, by the Iudges opinion in the case of Ship-money, which only bordered upon this position, of the Kings property in the whole nation? had not that opinion of the Iudgment seat, such influence upon the Pulpit, that the peoples property was decryed, and the King fostered, in that destructive principle. THAT ALL IS HIS; and thence it was whispered in Councell, that he is no Monarch who is bounded by any Law. And did not these venemous positions, then convert righteousnesse, and iustice, into Gall; and wormewood? O could my pen possibly awaken Cromwells conscience, from the dead, I would inquire of him; whether Tyrany and oppression will not ruffle and rage, wound and destroy, without number, or measure, when none shall have power, to say to them, what do you? Doubtlesse, the King will securely stretch himself upon the bed of wickednesse, and oppression when certain impunity, shall be his pillowe.

5. The Kings natural fancy of an inseperable union between the glory of his Crown, and the government of the Church by Bishops, this fancy (I say) is also complied within these proposalls; the Kings imagination, I confesse is thus farre truth, that his absolute dominion or Tyranny; and the government of Bishops, are like Hypocrates [38] Twins, they laugh, and weep, live, and dye together: doubtlesse the King gave Commissary General Ireton a special Caveat, against the abolishing of that Prelatical government; Hic nigerest, hunc tu Romane Caveto. And you may observe in the 11. proposall, how covertly the desire of renewing, or continuation of the Bishops Government, is intimated; Its proposed that an act be passed to take away the coercive power, authority and jurisdiction of Bishops &c. extending to any civill penalties, hereby their Iurisdiction spirituall (as they call it) is implicity desired to be continued, and if it were not for that intent, (they supposing the intimation of their desires would have much influence upon the house, and that the house would not presume, to proceede higher in contradicting the Kings pleasure, then the Army proposed, least they should faile of their assistance, which have beene sometime threatned in the like case) if it were not (I say) to discover at least their willingnes that the Bishops should continue, to what purpose or end is this is proposall?

Their jurisdiction extending to inflict civil penalties upon any, was utterly abolished by an act made this present Parliament. These are the expresse words. Be it enacted, that no Arch Bishop, Bishops, &c. nor any other spirituall, or ecclesiasticall Iudge, Officer or Minister, &c. whatsoever, shall after the 1. of August 1641. award, impose, or inflict, any paine, penalty, fine, amercement, imprisonment, or other corporall punishment, upon any of the Kings Subjects, for any contempt, misdemeanor, crime, or offence whatsoever, belonging to spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall cognizance, or Jiurisdiction, &c. [z] [a]

O how clearly visible, are the intentions of Cromwell and Jreton, &c. in this Proposall, to conforme themselves to the Kings humor, to admit of a spirituall iurisdiction of Bishops over the whole nation? And can it be imagined, that such darknes covered their eyes, that they did not foresee with what facility, the civill powers will be transformed into the image of their doctrine and be ready to persecute the faithfull and conscientious at their beck: yea that by their excommunications, and pretended spirituall censures, they should subiect an ignorant multitude to their wills, and by the mixture of insinuations, and terr̈ors, make them vassalls to the Kings pleasure. Did not they know that superstition hath been the sovereign Lord and Tyrant unto reason at least a thousand years have not they read what influence the Popes pretended exercise of spirituall authority, and jurisdiction had upon the stoutest Princes, and most gallant Emperors? [b] and how the people have adored the imaginary spirituall Scepter? and have not they observed that such strong delusions are the effect of such a spirituall iurisdiction that by it the peoples reason have been captivated, and they have esteemed the base and bruitish vassalage, the Crown of their honours? and did they not forsee, that these would be the woful consequences, of erecting or permitting, such an authority in England? and that the remnant of the conscientious, would soon be the objects of scorn, decision, and contempt, with all their appendixes or attendants. Is this O Cromwell your care for the peace and wellfare of the godly and faithfull?

[39]

Now ye Commons of England, you have seen what envenomed Arrowes, viz. positions of Tyrany, are shot through the Maxima vitalia, the heart, the head, the Liver, of the body, your Liberties: you have seen the streames of power; declared to proceed from a false fountaine, the Kings Will; the right to command your persons, in the exercise of the Militia, given away to the Capitall Enemy; and a respect of persons, allowed in the execution of the Lawes: yet proh dolor, I have not searched all your wounds, received from your pretended friends. Let me search two or three more.

First, by the Proposals, the people are made to depend upon the Kings absolute WILL, for the redresse of all the grievances and oppressions, under which they have groaned so many yeares: Its proposed, That the King be restored to the exercise of the regall power, part whereof in the King and their interpretation, is his Negative Voice; before the least common grievance be redressed, or burden removed: compare the fourteenth Proposall with the thirteenth preceding, by this, when ever the Parliament shall remember their duty to study redresse for the Peoples grievances; they shall but sow the Wind and reap the Whirelwind; unlesse they gain the concurrence of the Kings WILL. Then in case the brutish vassallage under un-known Lawes, and worse then Turkish manner of their execution should be laid to heart, and redress prepared, if it should be endeavoured to cut off those excressions of nature, the great Lawyers, which grow up out of the ruins, and decaies of the naturall Members, of the body politick: If the oppressions by un-just Judges, Justices, and other Officers, by illegall imprisonments during pleasure, by examining upon interogatories, and those other oppressions by forced Oaths, by Tythes, Monopolies, forrest Lawes, &c. should have sutable remedy contrived; yet the Peoples good of all such labours shall depend solely upon the Kings WILL; though the degrees of oppression, in-justice and cruelty, are the turning staires, by which he ascends, to his absolute stately Majesty, and greatnesse; yet he must be depended upon, to remove oppressions. Though he hath published upon the house tops, that to continue injustice, to protect oppressors and subverters of Lawes and liberties, and to invest himselfe with a power to compell every Knee to bow to his WILL and LUST, he hath made beautifull, peacefull England, an Aceldama, a field of bloud: Yet upon him must the oppressed be forced to rely for succour. Thus must the hungry People expect all their Figs, from the Thistle, the Kings WILL; upon that Thorn must those that are ready to perish, with long thirsting for relief and comfort, gather all their Grapes; from the WILL which hath been the fountaine of those flouds and inundations of [40] oppression in-justice, bloud and cruelty; must the oppressed expect all the sweet refreshing, rivulets of justice and equity: cleannesse must come forth out of uncleannesse in the abstract; and seeing this is the Order wherein the Army proposed the Peoples grievances to be redressed; I know no other use of those Proposals, then to support the tottering reputation of the grand Officers, in the minds of such as shall not discerne their vanity.

Secondly, By the Proposals all the Commons of England are made to depend upon the Kings absolute creatures for freedome, and justice, Chams destiny is made Englands unhappy fate.

Although the Lords are the very offspring of the Kings corrupt WILL; and were never so honoured by the People, as to have a Trust committed to them to represent any County; yet those Proposals invest them with the highest Authority, only because of the Kings Pattent.

1 The Proposals allow them a power over the Militia, Co-ordinate, and Co-equall, to the Representative of all the Nation, the Commons in Parliament; thus in the First and Second property of the Second Proposall, the power of the Militia &c. for Ten Yeares, to be disposed by the LORDS and Commons: doubtlesse this confirms that Right of the King to the Militia, which these Proposals estate in him: this allowes so absolute a Right in him, that it approves his transfering it over to whom hee pleased, by Pattent, to have beene Valid. Oh what greater subversion of the Fundamentall Freedomes of the People, then to endeavour to establish the power of Commanding their Persons Liberties, and Lives in the exercise of the Militia, upon the insulting Lords, who vsurpes their Command under pretence of the Kings Pattent? How can the People be exposed to Perpetuall oppression? How can the precious peace of the (almost still bleeding) Nation be more endangered, then by paralleling of the Lords power over the Militia, with the Power, or Authority of the Commons? By this, the Lords may prevent the Commons disposing of the Militia for their Masters, the Peoples freedome, & security, at their pleasure; and in case any dissention arise betwene the Lords, and Commoners, there will no Vmpire be found, but the mercilesse Sword, to devide the controversie; however they may obstruct the Commons in their endeavours to exercise the power of the Militia, when dangers shall bee eminent, they may protract time, untill the People bee spoiles, to devouring enemies. Oh doe not the Innocent bloud of England and Ireland cry to Heaven for Vengance against them? Was it not their delay, to concurre in the Ordinance for [41] setling the Militia; which gave the King opportunity to Levie an Army; which directly, or in the consequence have occasioned all the numberlesse rapes, rapines, murthers, and cruelties, that have overspread both the Kingdomes?

2 A Judiciall power, in exposition, and application of Law (in no degree subordinate to the Commons) is estated in the Lords, by the ninth particular of the first Proposall; So that any sentence of the Commons representing, all England may be contradicted by five or Six Lords, by vertue of the Kings Pattent; and likewise they are invested by the Fourth Proposall, with a power equall to the Commons, in the disposing all the Offices of power, and trust in the Nation; and the Third particular of the Second Proposall, allowes them the same power in raising of money for the publique service; And a restriction to their usurpation, of a negative voyce to all the resolutions of the Commons, is not once named, or intimated: although Jreton him-selfe hath confessed in their Councels, that the King by his OATH is oblieged to confirme such Lawes as the Commons should chuse; the word Uulgus in the Kings Oath, signifying People, or folke, excludes the Lords totally from any right to intermedle in making Lawes. And further the Proposals Connive at least (in that Tenth particular of the first Proposall) at the Lords constant Treasonable subversion of the fundamentall Lawes of England; by molesting, summoning, attaching, and imprisoning the Commons; over whom, by the Known Lawes, they have no originall jurisdiction.

Indeed its offered, that the Commons Liberty may be cleared, as to an exemption from any Judgement of the Peeres, without the concurring Judgement of the House of Commons; but the Lords barbarous cruelty, in vexing and Imprisoning the Commons at their pleasure, and during their pleasure, is not Motioned to be restrained: but its rather insinuated, that the Lords may passe Judgement upon the Commons, and then desire the Commons Concurrence.

Thus they indulge the Lords in their most palpable injustice, and open Violation of the ancient English Liberties; contained in Magna Charta; and lately Confirmed in the Petition of Right.

And doe not this practice runne parrallel with this Proposall? Have not Cromwell suffered that Gallant Champion, for English Freedome, Lievt. Colonell John Lilburne, to consume in prison by that usurped Lordly power? Yea though Cromwell first ingaged him against the Lordly usurpation, and Tyranny; by Impeaching the Earle of Manchester for his treachery; yet, hath he not unworthyly discerted both the prosecution of Justice against him, and left his Implored assistant alone, to Maintaine the hazardous contest, or to be Crushed to peeces by their potency?

[42]

It is truth, he hath made some overtures of endeavouring his redemption; but have they been any other then specious pretences, or delusive words? the [f fairest motion for his deliverance, was upon Baile to the Lords, which if he had accepted, would be a confession of the Lords jurisdiction over him, and consequently treachery to the freedome of his Native Country, and destruction to himselfe.

What, is this that valiant, just and faithfull Cromwel, whose courage daunted the most daring Champion of Kingly Lordly Interest? Is this that Cromwell who professed to Manchesters face, that England would never flourish, untill he was only M. Mountagu, not the publicke affaires be managed successfully, whilest a house of Peeres are extant;? O quantum mutatus ab illo! Doth he not now prostitute the estates, liberties and persons of all the People, at the foot of the Kings Lordly Interest?

Were I not unwilling to burden your memories, or trouble your pockets with a volume, I could still runne division in anotations upon these Proposals; I might observe their tendernes of the Kings Revenue, that it be not diminished, even in the former augmentations, by most intollerable oppressions: thus in the ninth Proposall.

The Court of Wards was at first erected, that the King might keepe exact accompts, and be a faithfull Guardian to heires, during their Nonage: but this Kingly tuition and care to heires in their minority, was become Kingly opposition, and that Court little better then a Denne of Theeves to the desolate Orphans: and therefore the Parliament resolved it should be abolished: But saith Cromwell and Ireton in that Proposall, take heed his Majesties Revenue be not damnified thereby; i. e. though you exempt the people from Wardships, yet impose the payment of moneys that shall be tantamount; if you stop one bleeding vein of the People, be sure you open another: and this caveat against the Kings dammage, made way for another against the Lord Sayes, and the Lord Whartons father, Sir Rowland Wandsworths damage: Let (saith the Proposal) not those that held Offices (last) in that Court, be left without reparation; Let my Lord Say have ten thousand pounds, and a thousand per Annum, allowed him from the peoples purse, and Sir Rowland Wandsworth five thousand pounds, because they have enriched themselves many thousands, by oppressing the People in that Court of corruption.

Now I might unfold the mistery of the fourth, fifth, and sixth particulars in the 3. Proposall; and pry into the policy of erecting a councell of State, & estating the power in some persons, to continue for certain yeares, and to be as the Kings Privie Councell, &c.

But I cannot omit to observe, that the Compositions of the Kings Partizans, in the late blond-shed, are not proposed to be assented to by the King, in order to a Peace. Crumwell and Ireton had intelligence of the Kings resolution, never to assent to the imposing Fines upon his adhearents, left he should condemne his cause: and therefore they were cautions of incurring his displeasure, and so propounded the Compositions for delinquency, after his re-investing with a Regall power, and Negative voice, and then the punishment of Delinquents shall depend upon his Will.

Now (my deare Countrymen) I have shewn you the pictures of your new Saviours, drawn with their own perill, and so curiously varnisht, that every eye did greedily gaze upon the sparkling touches of their amiablenes: you have seen them as they entered the Field; when justice and freedome, appeared to be as a golden chaine about their necks, a Bracelet on their Armes; the only Motto in all their Colours; the Banner under which they would encounter with every ruling Nimrod, and proud Haman, who would over-top their bretheren, and make them bow the knee to their raging lusts.

Likewise I have showne you when they were conquered by being conquerors, and when they dishonourably retreated, and changed their Banner, though the enemy fled, and I have given you a rough drawn Mappe of their promised Land, that should flow with sweetest Milke and Honey, of Freedome and Justice, I meane, you have seen [43] the Freedomes which they have proposed for you, now judge whether your expectations be answered: search those Proposalls narrowly, and see whether positions of Tyranny be not couched in them, like an ambuscado of enemies, ready to open Englands Gates for a French, or Spanish Monarchy: and now let me offer at a discovery of their endeavours, to establish the things Proposed, and so to binde you with the old chaines of Tyranny newly guilded.

These Proposalls, being thus composed, and offered to the Parliament, hardly escaped murdering in their Cradle; a hot contest arose in Parliament, whether they should send the old Propositions, or the Armies Proposalls to the King, to be the foundations of peace, and agreement with him; in the issue, machivilian policy, was admitted to be Umpire, and his definitive sentence, was, that the old Propositions sent to Newcastle, should be sent againe to Hampton Court. But the King knew that neither the Grandees in the Parliament, nor Army, intended those Propositions should be assented to, being absolutely inconsistent with their Independant Interest; yet questionlesse the Ministers were importuned to pray for a blessing upon those hypocriticall jugling overtures of peace: but this was subservient to their designe, a plausive way to usher in the Kings desire of a Treaty upon the Proposals, which the King had determined, and made known should be his answer, before the Propositions were sent to him.

Yet when the answer of the Kings was Voted by the Parliament to be a deniall of the Propositions, a Question was stated, whether any more addresses should be made to the King? and the determination was very dubious: but then a Cabinet Councell of the Grandees was called, Sir John Eveling, Mr. William Perpoint, and Mr. Fines, Sir Henry Vane, and Cromwell, and Ireton, Cum paucis aliis: and O how was the quintessence of their braines extracted, in plausible arguments for a new addresse to the King! how were the imaginary mischiefs, and dangerous consequences of a refusall presented in most lively emblems? and I conclude from the event, that in such a cabinet councell the question was first concluded in the affirmative, and then the debate of the question was managed in the House, with much seeming solemnity; but when the potency of reason, and Justice, against any further addresses, began to tryumph over their feminine reasons; a Member, (no question one of the same confederacy) produced a reason like Goliahs sword, with this inscription, theres none like this, its (saith he) the sense of the Army, that a farther addresse be made to the King: this led every reason captive, and so the debate ended, and without peradventure it was remembred: Com. Gen. Ireton without a proxie, sometime averred as much in effect, in the House, you must (saith he) looke for opposition, whenever you shall cease your addresses to the King, and then your case would be sad, if you should have no strength adhere to you, and if you now cease, I cannot promise you the Armies assistance.

But the patience of some worthy Patriots, was disturbed at this ravishing the Houses Judgement; and from their murmurings, that winged messenger of common same, proclaimed also in every care, that the Army had compelled the Parliament to make a new addresse to the King, to send either the whole or part of their Proposals as the ground of peace; and suddenly there was an Ecco from many faithfull in the Army to the repinings of those at London; some stout Champions of Freedome, foresaw that all the evill consequences of such new addresses to the King, would be reckoned upon their Account, and thereupon testified their abhorrency of perswading, and infinitely more of constraining the House, to any such address; and their speeches in councell had some reflexion upon Ireton, as having abused the Army, by misrepresenting their Judgements, in that particular; but Ireton replyed with indignation, that he thought it to have been the sense of the Army, that another addresse should be made to the King, and if he did not thinke it was still their sense, he should loath and detest the Army, nay he should abhorre to continue with them for a day. O behold his zeale!

I could now trace these our expected deliverers, Pede tentim, step, by step, in their [44] endeavours at Kingstone, Putney, Ware, and Windsor, to establish our old slavery, new modelled in their Proposals: and with a new name of Freedome, and security, engraven upon its forehead: but least this first packet of intelligence should not be ready for this weekes post, I shall reserve it for the next, yet I must answer a Quere or two for your satisfaction.

I. Quere.

Hath God vouchsafed to Cromwell, and Ireton, and their adhearents sight to see this mistery of slavery, which they evdeavour to introduce?

Ans. I am so confident of the truth of my intelligence, that I dare averre that the choisest principles of precious freedome and justice, are engraven in their minds, in plainer characters, then they were ever seen in an English paper: they clearely understand, that all power is originally in the People? and that no authority whatsoever hath an image of justice upon it, which is not derived from the People, either immediately by their personall consent, or agreement, or mediately by the mutuall consent of those, who are elected by the People to represent them; and therefore though they know that all just power resides in the House of Commons only, which represents all the People: And that they ought not to be over-topped by the Negative Voices of King, or Lords: They know the King cannot rationally be asserted, to be a power or authority that is of God, from God, to whom the least obedience or respect can be required, unlesse he first receive his power from man: that is, by the consent of the People, in their chosen Representatives the Commons in Parliament.

M. Nathaniel Fines, one of their Cabinet-councell, and contrivers of their worke, averred this clearly to Parliament six yeares since, that Kings and Estates, Judges, and Magistrates, were the ordinances of men, before they were the ordinances of God; & that Kings are neither of divine right, as an office in the Church, nor founded in the prime lawes of Nature, as the power of a Father in his Family: For if they were, they should have the fashion of their Government only from the prescript of Gods word, or the prime lawes of Nature. Whereas Lawes made by Parliaments are the Rule by which the King ought to Governe. [*][†]

And from the naturall consequence of these FIRST PRINCIPLES of Freedome they are clearly satisfied that every Officer of State, ought to have the extent and limits of his power prescribed, by the Commons in Parliament, and to be subject to them, to render an Account to them of the discharge of his trust; this was their First Principle in Parliament; Rex habet in populo regendo superiores Legem per quam factus est et curiam suam, videlicit, Comites, & Barones, &c. The Law by which the King receives his Office, & the Parliament, are both superior to the King. This the Parl. cites from an ancient Author, Fleta. Libro in Capite decima septimo de Justitiariis substituendis, [f] and these Gentlemen likewise know injustice, yea absurdity of allowing to Lords or any persons whatsoever by vertue of the Kings Pattent or their birth of a Pattentee father an exemprion from the Law, and the ordinary proceedings of the Court of Justice, and they are sufficiently apprehensive of [g] an absolute necessity of a cleare knowledge of the extent and Limits of the trust which the Commons themselves receive imediatly from the People, least unknowne Priviledges [h] of Parliament should also become a shelter for Injustice and Tyranny, and they profess likewise, that its their judgement [45] that the people ought to be represented in Parliament more equally, [i] and none more cleare in opinion then these that its the peoples right to have freedome of Trade, to have their Lawes and all proceedings therein, in their Mother Tongue, and every man to have liberty to plead his owne cause, or select whom he will; to be free from compulsion to answer Interrogatories, to insnare or accuse themselves: O therefore its this which checks and controlls Charity, in passing her modest gentle censure upon these Gentlemen, Its this witholding Justice and Fredome in Tyranny and unrighteousness, which make their Crimes of the deepe Crimson Tincture, Cromwell, or Ireton, may say with Medea, Video meliora proboque deteriora sequor.

Our eyes have seen the light of Justice found
Yet to Injustice we our selves have found.

2. Quere. Doe Cromwell or Ireton, plead openly and avowedly, for a new modell of our old slavery, contrary to their judgements, if so, how is it possible their adherents amongst the Officers of the Army should be so numerous?

Answ. As for their adherents I might answer, that some of their prime active complyers could never be judged by discerning eyes to be trees, from whom better fruit might be expected; Scout-master Watson, Col. Rich, and Commis. Staynes, I believe never cordially concurred with the Soldiers in those gallant resolutions, for Justice and Freedome, discovered at Newmarket; some opposed their first Petition with such courage as they had; and some have since disavowed those choycest crownes, of all the Armies attempts: and besides, can any man imagine that rising Suns ever wanted worshipers? are there not many creatures alwaies ready. Jurare in verba Magistri, to be metamorphosed into any shape with a smile or a frown.

But as for their avowed pleading for the Negative voyces of King and Lords, and estating the right of the Militia in them, and as for their pleading for them as slavery, Quis nisi mentes inops, &c.

Did ever spurious vice blazon their owne Coats of Armes, or own their true birth or extraction? Was ever wickednesse without a Vail, a Maske, or a pensill, for her ugly deformed face?

These Gentlemens actions have had variety of dressings to present them amiable.

Sometimes they pleaded want of power to over-turn the foundations of slavery, & estate us in our native freedomes; the worke said they, is too high for us to attempt.

O what pur-blind eye cannot see through such a Sarcinet vaile? What kind, degree, or extent of power, of which they were not possessed, could be the object of their desires? Had they not forty thousand horse and foot at command? And were not all the Garrison Townes, the Castles, Forts, and Magazines, at their dispose? And was it not in their power, with a word to have invested that gallant Patriot Rainsbrough, with all the power at Sea? And besides through their glorious victories, were they not cloathed with terrour to every enemy? O when before was there such a price in Englands hands!

But again, other times they pleaded the danger of a second Warre, if they strike at the roots of tyrannie and oppression, as some desired: But I wonder whose fancy should have been the Creator of an Army to oppose them? Or did they feare the graves of their conquered enemies should open, or their Ghosts should undertake the quarrell? were not all their enemies lurking in holes, like Snakes in Winter, untill the Sunne of their favour and indulgence shined upon them.

Sometimes again they pleaded, that Peace would never be established, unless the interest of the Kings party were considered, and satisfaction given them; but could they be so blinded as not to know that the interest for which the King engaged in blond, is absolutely in every tittle inconsistent with the safety of the faithfull to God, and their Country: God and Beliah the Arke and Dagon, will as soon stand together, as the [46] Peoples good and safety, and a dominion over them, which is not received as a trust from them, and for which the Ruler is not to be unaccountable to them.

Sometimes again they plead, that they cannot establish the Peoples freedome, without breaking the Parliaments sacred priviledges: but is it not evident that when these Gentlemen pleased, the priviledges, or commands of Parliament were no more to them, then the Philistins Withes to Sampson? Did they not command the Parliament by a set day, to cast out that Faction which over-topt them? Have they not often commanded the Parliament by a fixed day to provide them pay? yea, did they not thus stand in competition with the Parl. for pay; and breath out threatnings if it were not ready by the time appointed, even since their new Engagement, in opposition to the faithfull Agents, to acquiesce in the judgement of Parliament? Did not they contary to Parliament orders, admit the Kings Cavaliers to him? Parliament priviledge is nothing to them when their private interest is concerned: And are they really so tender of intrenching upon it for the Peoples good?

Sometimes again, to evade the strength of Reason, enforcing them to insist upon the settlement of the Peoples freedomes; they pleaded they were engaged already in their Declarations, to the King, not so to entrench upon his pretended rights, (but reall tyrannie) as was desired.

And their last refuge was this; that it was proper for them to act only in their own spheares, as Soldiers; and not to intermedle with the matters of State, which concern the Parliament: Thus to compasse their ends, our gallant heroick English-men would turn Mercinaries: O quis talia fando, abstinet a lacrimis!

Now my deare Countrymen behold the Kings, Lords and Armies Javelings sticking in the heart of your Liberties: O see your Liberties prostrate at the feet of Usurpers of domination over you! see how they lye groveling, besmeared in their own blood, behold O yea lovers of God, and your Countrey, behold I say, the old subverters of your Lawes and Liberties! those whose wickedness, oppression and cruelty, is their glory: behold them I say, ready to insult againe over you, but proh dolor! to whom should you flee for refuge? if Bowels of Compassions should be found in your chosen Representatives, alas! every plaister that they should apply to the bleeding wounds, the Lords, or the King, can rend away by their Negative Voyces, O that hath beene your misery hitherto: but remember, did you not choose a Parliament to redresse your Grievances? O then suffer not your Representors in Parliament, to Sit any longer like so many Plovers pricked down for stales, with this motto, Videntur & non sunt, free them from all contradictions and obstructions, by Negative Voyces, in succouring and relieving you: if they be negligent, joyne together speedily, vigorously, with courage and resolution, and cry to them, cry aloud, Vel sacra regnet justitia, vel ruit Cahun Let us not be consumed by delayes, Let us either be saved or perish.

FINIS

Doe like Englishmen, and in so doing, you may expect the second Part of this faithfull intelligence.