[i]

A Discourse consisting of Motives for the Enlargement and Freedome of Trade

To the Right Honourable the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled.

Right Honourable,

THE scope and substance of this following Discourse, is to demonstrate by clear and unanswerable Arguments, the Illegality of the Incorporation of those who soly ascribe unto themselves the names of Merchants Adventurers, though they Trade but unto two Townes only, and those hard by: and to shew further how their Patent trencheth upon the native Rights of the freeborn subject: which Patent hath been often complaind of and clamord against from time to time, as an universall greevance to Town and Countrey, tending to the diminution of Trade, and of all sorts of Manufactures at home, and to the dis-repute of the Policy of this Nation abroad, the sayd Patent being accounted no lesse amongst all people, then a Monopoly, [ii] a word odious all the world over. This Incorporation hath bin like an Ulcer upon the Body politique of this Kingdome a long time, which hath beene often rub’d and lanc’d, yet it clos’d againe and gatherd more corruption then formerly, and now requires a greater cure then ever..

Therfore in all humblenesse it is prayed, that this Honourable Court and highest Councell of the Kingdom, who have already done so many glorious things for the publike Liberty, Rights and Immunities of the free borne Subject, would be pleased to peruse the ensuing Discourse, and poise the weight of the Reasons, Arguments, and proofes therein produced, which are derived from true fountaines, and so to doe therein what in their high wisedome and justice they shall think expedient for the redresse of such a Nationall grievance..

[1]

A DISCOURSE Consisting of Motives FOR The Enlargement and Freedome of Trade, Especially That of Cloth and other Woollen Manufactures,

Engrossed at present.

Contrary to	{ the Law of Nature,
	{ the Law of Nations,
	{ and the Lawes of this Kingdome,

By a Company of private men who stile themselves

Merchant-Adventurers..

THe Terrestriall Globe is cut out into Islands and Continents, both which are created to be a Mansion for men; and although they be severd by the work of Nature, yet they may be said to be joynd together by Commerce, which is that great link of humane Society, that golden chaine which unites all Nations; And though the Earth and Sea be of themselves, [2] as differing Elements as any of the rest, yet the Divine Providence by a speciall foresight hath so indented as it were, and embosomd them one in the other, that they make but one perfect Globe, to render them thereby more apt for the mutuall Commerce and Negotiation of Mankinde.

Of all parts of the Earth, Islands (which by the violence of the Sea are torne off from the rest of the world) stand most in need of Commerce, as well for the encrease of shipping, whereon their security and strength doth principally depend, as for divers other advantages conducing to wealth, to the expence of the superfluities of their owne native Commodities, and the importation of forreigne, to intelligence, and prevention of dangers, and lastly to the improvement of civility and knowledge.

And this our Island (for ought any one knoweth) might have remaind to this day in her first simplicity and rudenesse, had she not refined and civilized her selfe by Commerce with those of the next Continent, and they of the next Continent, had they not crossed the Alps to Italy; and the Italians themselves, had they not had practise with the Levantines, and other Eagle-eyed Nations who dwell nearer the Sun rising.

Amongst the Islands of the old world, Great Britain hath beene cried up for the biggest, and best-replenished with those Commodities that are most [3] materiall and usefull for the life of man, whereof she hath not only a competency for her selfe, but enough to spare her neighbours, which by way of surplusage she useth to disperse to most Countreys, whereby she beates a generall Trade, and makes rich returnes with her owne home-growne goods: which Trade may bee termed the prime sinew, and chiefest support both of her strength and riches..

Now there is nothing so advantagious and commendable in a Trade, as Community and Freedome; for in this particular (as in most things else) the topique Axiome holdeth, Bonum quò communius, eò meliùs; the more common and diffusive a good thing is, the better it is.

The most substantiall and staple Commodity that our Countrey affords for the maintenance of Trade is Cloth, with divers Manufactures besides arising from Wooll, which makes other Nations call Wooll, Englands Golden Fleece: and (questionlesse) the principall reason why in time of Parliament our Iudges (who are the Oracles of the Law) do sit in the House of Peeres upon Wooll-Sacks, was to put them in minde of preserving and advancing the Trade and Manufactury of Wooll: Therefore to barre any freeborn subject from the exercise of his Invention and Industry, to convert this universall native Commodity to his best advantage at home, or abroad, is to deprive him of part of his [4] birth-right, and of that which God and Nature ordaynd for his subsistence; and not only so, but it is to set a mark of strangenesse, or rather, of a kinde of slavery upon him in his own Countrey.

Hence it may well be inferrd, that for one Company, or Incorporation to arrogate to it selfe, and to engrosse the mannaging, expence, and vending of this necessary inmated Commodity, is an injury to publike right, and no lesse then a meere Monopoly: And it is held an undoubted principle of State, that there is nothing more pernicious and destructive to any Kingdome or Common-wealth, then Monopolies, which like Incubusses doe suck the very vitall spirits, and drive into one veine that masse of blood which should cherish the whole body: Nor doth this word Monopoly (according to its true Etimology) referre only to one individuall person, but also to any one Town, where many men are incorporated or aggregated into one body, who have hooked to themselves the sole exercise and emolument of such and such a trade, whereby they only enrich themselves, and admit no others to enter into their Society without some exaction.

The fellowship and Charter of them that terme themselves Merchant-Adventurers (under favour) is a Monopoly of this kinde, and is repugnant both

1. To the Law of Nature,
2. To the Law of Nations,
3. To the positive Law of the Land.

[5]

First, it is repugnant to the Law of Nature, in regard that Wooll, and the draping and merchandizing thereof, being the Cape Commodity wherewith Nature, the handmaid of God Almighty, hath furnished this Island, and wherein she hath given every freeborn Inhabitant equall interest, as matter for his industry to work upon; Surely she never intended that a thin handfull of men, a small contemptible number in comparison of the whole (being but a few trading members, though their Company consists of a greater number) should appropriate to themselves the disposing and venting of the two thirds of this generall grand Commodity, as by diligent computation the Merchant-Adventurers are observed to doe.

Secondly, it is against the Law of Nations, in regard that no Monarchy or Kingdom, whether elective or successive, nor any other Commonwealth or State throughout Europe hath the like example. What a hubbub would there bee in France, if the vent of Wines were passed over to some peculiar men to furnish England withall? or in Spaine, or Naples, were the fruits and oyles of the one, and the silks of the other (being their prime Commodities) engrossed by a few hands? But admit there were some extraordinary restraints in trading to remote Countreys, and that there were joynt stocks, it maketh nothing to justifie the Company of Merchant-Adventurers. [6] Which yet hath beene lately questioned in Parliament as a Monopoly, & their Charter there disclaimed by themselves as illegall. We know our East-India Company here, and in Holland, have limitations, and have a Bank of their owne, because the Purses of private men cannot extend to set forth Ships for making of such long, adventurous, costly, voyages. But the Trade which is beaten by our Merchant-Adventurers to Hamburgh and Rotterdam, is of another nature, for it is hard by home, and as it were at our doores, and may be performed by Ships of any seize, the transfretation being short; so that though they seeme to arrogate soly to themselves the names of Merchant-Adventurers, there are none that deserve it lesse, their hazard being so small, and their voyage so short.

Thirdly, this Incorporation is repugnant to the, positive Lawes of this Land, as manifestly appears by Magna Charta, Petition of Right, Statutes of Monopolies, and severall others; but for brevity sake, let it suffice to insert here that famous Statute which was enacted by one of our wisest Kings, Henry the seventh, which continueth yet in full force unrepealed, and runnes thus.

[Editor: illegible word] H. 7. 1. 6.To the discreet Commons in this present Parliament assembled, sheweth unto your discreet wisdomes the Merchant-Adventurers inhabiting and dwelling in divers parts of this Realm of England out of the City of [7] London, that where they have their passage, resort, course and recourse with their goods, wares, and merchandize, in divers coasts and parts beyond the Sea, aswell into Spain, Portugall, Britain, Ireland, Normandy, France, Civill, Venice, Dansk, Eastland, Freezland, and other divers and many places, regions, and countreys, being in league and amity with the King our Soveraign Lord, there to buy and sell, and make their Exchanges, with their said goods, wares, and merchandizes, according to the Law and Custome used in every of the said Regions and places; and there every person freely to use himselfe to his most advantage, without exaction, fine, imposition, or contribution, to bee had or taken of them, or of any of them, to, for, or by any English person, or persons. And in semblable wise they before this time have had, used, and of right owen to have, and use their free passage, resort, and recourse into the coasts of Flanders, Holland, Zealand, Brabant, and other places thereto nigh adjoyning under the obeysance of the Arch-Duke of Burgoyn: In which places the universall Marts be commonly kept and holden foure times in the year, to the which Marts all English men, and divers other Nations in time past have [8] used to resort, there to sell and utter the commodities of their Countreys, and freely to buy again such things as seemed them most necessary and expedient for their pofit, and weale of their Countreys, and parts that they be come fro, till now of late, that by the Fellowship of the Mercers and other Merchants and Adventurers dwelling and being free within the City of London, by confederacy made among themselves, of their uncharitable and inordinate covetousnesse, for their singular profit and lucre, contrary to every English mans Liberty, and to the Liberty of the said Mart there, which is, that every person of what Nation that he be of, should have their free liberty there to buy and sell, and make the commutations with the Wares, Goods, and Merchandizes at their pleasure, have contrary to all Law, Reason, Charity, Right, and Conscience, amongst themselves, to the prejudice of all English men, made an Ordinance and Constitution, that is to say, That no English man resorting to the said Mart, shall neither buy nor sell any goods, wares, or merchandizes there, except he first compound and make fine with the said Fellowship, Merchants of London, and their said Confederates, at their pleasure, [9] upon paine of forfeiture to the said Fellowship, Merchants of London, and to their Confederates, of such merchandizes, goods, or wares, so by him bought, or sold there: which Fine, Imposition, and Exaction, at the beginning when it was first taken, was demanded by colour of Fraternity of Thomas Becket Bishop of Canterbury, at which time the said Fine was but the value of an old Noble sterling, and so by colour of such feigned holinesse, it hath beene suffered to be taken for a few yeares passed, and afterwards it was encreased to an hundred shillings Flemish, and now it is so, that the said Fellowship and Merchants of London take of every English man, or yong Merchant, being there at his first comming, forty pound sterling for a fine, to suffer him to buy and sell his owne proper Goods, Wares, and Merchandizes that he hath there: By occasion whereof, all Merchants, not being of the said Fellowship and Confederacy, withdraw themselves from the said Marts, whereby the woollen Cloth of the Realm, which is one of the greatest Commodities of the same, by making whereof the Kings true Subjects be put in occupation, and the poore people have most their living, and also other divers Commodities [10] of divers and severall parts of this same Realm is not sold ne uttered as it was in times past, but for lack of utterance of the same in divers parts, where such Clothes be made, they be conveyed to London, where they be sold farre under the price that they be worth, and that they cost to the makers of the same, and at sometime they be lent to long dayes, and the money thereof at divers times never paid; And over that, the Commodities and Merchandizes of those parts, which the said Fellowship, Merchants of London, and others their Confederates bring into this Land, is so sold to your said Complainants and other the Kings true Subjects, at so deare and high exceeding price, that the buyer of the same cannot live thereupon, by reason whereof, all the Cities, Towns, and Burroughs of this Realme in effect be fallen into great poverty, ruine, and decay, and as now in manner they without hope of comfort, or reliefe, and the Kings Customes and Subsidies, and the Navy of the Land greatly decreased and minished, and daily they be like more to decay, if due reformation be not had in this behalfe. Be it therefore enacted by the King our Soveraigne Lord, by the advise and assent of the [11] Lords spirituall and temporall, and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by authority of the same, that every English man, being the Kings true Leigeman, from henceforth have free passage, resort, course and recourse into the said coasts of Flanders, Holland, Zealand, Brabant, and other places there to nigh adjoyning, under the obeysance of the said Archduke, to the Marts there hereafter to be holden, with his or their Merchandizes, Goods, and Wares, there to buy and sell, and make their exchange freely at his or their pleasure, without exaction, fine, imposition, extortion, or contribution to be had, leavied, taken, or perceived of them, or of any of them, to, for, or by any English person or persons to his or their own use, or to the use of the said Fraternity or Fellowship, or of any other like, except only of ten Mark sterling. And that no person English, as is afore rehearsed, hereafter take to his own use, or to the use of the said Fraternity or Fellowship thereof, any other English person of what estate degree, or condition that he be of, so alway that he be the King our Soveraigne Lords true Leigeman, any fine, exaction, imposition, or contribution for his liberty or freedome to buy [12] and sell Goods, wares, or Merchandizes in or at any of the said Marts, more or above the said summe of ten Mark sterling only, upon paine of forfeiture to our Soveraigne Lord for every time that he doth the contrary of this Act 20. l. and also to forfeit to the parties so grieved in this behalfe tenne times so much as he contrary to this present Act, taketh of him: And that the parties so aggrieved shall have in this behalfe an Action of debt for the said forfeiture of tenne times, in any of the Kings Courts within this Realm by writ, Bill, Plaint, or Information, and such processe to be made in the same, as is or ought to be made in or upon an Action of debt at the Common Law, and the triall thereof to be had in such Shire, City, or Place, where the said Action is commenced or sued; and that the Defendant in any Action bee not admitted to wage his Law, nor none Essoine or Protection be for such Defendant admitted or allowed in that behalfe.

This Act of Parliament is in full force and validity to this day; for there is none can deny, that the vertue of an Act of Parliament is such, that no Power can repeale or abrogate it, but the same Legislative Power that made it. Now that a private Charter procured by [13] gratuities, favour, and other clandestine wayes (as shall be proved) should have power to suspend and stop the execution of an Act of Parliament, we beleeve no Iudge in the Land will affirme, especially considering that this Charter doth authorize a few men to exercise both at home and abroad an extrajudiciall sway both over the consciences, the bodies, and estates of his Majesties leige people, by oathes, imprisonments, amercements, and taxes.

Touching the Oath they use to impose, it runs thus, being couched in this odde forme.

YOu sweare by Almighty God, to be good and true to our Soveraign Lord the King that now is, and to his Heires, and Successours, Kings of this Realme. You shall be obedient and assistant to Mr Governour or his Deputy, and Assistants of Merchant-Adventurers in the parts of Holland, Zealand, Brabant, Flanders, and within the Townes and Marches of Calais, as also in East Freezland, or any other Countrey or place on this or that side the seas, where the said Company are or shall be priviledged. All Statutes and Ordinances not repealed, which have beene made, or shall be made by the said Governour, or his Deputy and Fellowship, you shall to your best knowledge truly hold, and keep no singular regard to your selfe in hurt or prejudice of the Common wealth of the said Fellowship, or else being condemned, and orderly demanded, shall truly from time to time content [4] and pay unto the Treasurer for the time being, all and every such mulcts and penalties which have and shall be limited and set for the transgressors and offenders of the same. The secrets and privities of the aforesaid Fellowship you shall heal, and not bewray: and if you shall know any person or persons that intend any hurt, harme, or prejudice to our Soveraigne Lord the King, or unto his Lands, or to the Fellowship aforesaid, or the priviledges of the same, you shall give knowledge thereof, and doe it to be knowne to the said Governour or his Deputy. And you shall not colour or free any Forreigners goods, which are not free of this Fellowship of Merchant-Adventurers of England. So help you God..

By the words of this extravagant Oath, one may see what high, illegall and transcendent power they assume to themselves to make Statutes, which is proper and peculiar only to Parliaments: Moreover, they stile themselves a Commonwealth, in so much that though they cannot be termed Regnum in Regno, they may be well termed Dominium in Dominio. Besides this Oath there is another called the purging Oath, whereby one is bound to confesse whether he hath offended in such and such particulars, and to accuse himselfe, which is point blank against Law, being a thing abhorring to nature; and for which kinde of Oath some of our Courts were lately put downe by this present Parliament; and touching their Impositions [15] and Fines, they lay them ad libitum, which they convert afterwards to their owne benefit, whereas the King de jure partakes of all Fines: but they passed an Order, by which (to use their owne words) they were pleased to allow him the one moity; The true copy of which Order shall be inserted here with others, by which one may guesse at the rest.

[44]

But to this they seeme to object the Ordinance of this present Parliament for the continuance of their Company: This, under correction, cannot hold plea, for the said Ordinance passed with this proviso and clause of reservation by the wisedom of both Houses, That all rights confirmed by Act of Parliament, or ancient Charters, should be thereby saved; so that it is rightly conceived that that Ordinance is not binding nor of a restraining nature.

Therefore it is most humbly desired, that the aforesaid Patent of the Company of Merchant-Adventurers may not be binding to others not free of their Company, in regard it is

Illegall,
Vnusefull,
Prejudiciall,
Abusive..

It is illegall, because it is repugnant to expresse Acts of Parliaments.

It is against the naturall right and priviledge of free born Subjects, as appeares by Magna Charta, and Petition of right. It is a meere Monopoly both in the intention and the execution, for by paying money the Subject enjoyes his right, and denying payment he is debard of it.

It is a grievance of the highest nature, in regard it gives an extrajudiciall power to imprison the Subject without baile or mainprize, to take away his [45] goods, to contrive and impose oathes, to lay and levy taxes without limitations, and convert them to private profit to the prejudice of others, which is the truest badge of a Monopoly..

It is grounded upon Prerogative, not warranted by Common Law, or Act of Parliament, but directly opposite to all.

The pretence of it is the same that all monopolizing Patents have, viz. Regularity and Conformity, but indeed to usurp a right, and liberty, and to restore it againe for money.

The Patent is obtained by some particular men, without the knowledge or consent of others; and it is a rule that no man is bound to observe that Law, which himselfe consents not to bee made against him.

It is Unusefull, because that this Trade, and every other profession in England, is subject to regularity, either by laudable customes confirmed by Acts of Parliaments, or by Statute Lawes; and it is strange that a Projector should see a better way for regularity of trade, then ever was thought on by Act of any Parliament.

That other Merchants have no such need of regularity, onely they are subject in generall to the Lawes and Customes of the Land, yet they flourish and prosper; and in Flanders, Brabant, Artois, Henegow, and other Provinces under the King of Spaine, [46] there hath beene no government by the Company for about fourscore yeares together, yet the trade of our Manufactures thrive farre better there, then in Holland, or Germany where regulation in trade hath beene, and our Nation is farre more beloved and respected.

That those moneys which are leavied, are not any wayes employed for the benefit of King or Kingdome, or for bettering the Trade, but serve only for bribes to preserve the ill-begotten Patent, and punish such as endeavour to enjoy their naturall right against the said Patent, which ends with this odde clause, That every thing in it shall be taken, construed, and adjudged most strongly against us (that is the King) our Heires, and Successors, and most benignly, favourably, and beneficially for the said Governour, Assistants, and Fellowship of Merchant-Adventurers..

The Patent is prejudiciall and abusive, for that they have done and doe this Kingdom the greatest detriment that ever befell it in point of trade, by instigating the Dutch to make a vertue of necessity, by making them fall to the draping of Cloth and other woollen Manufactures, out of the hatred they conceive to their Monopoly. It is too well knowne what clashings and contestations have happened from time to time betweene them. To instance in one amongst others, about the yeare 1634 there was such a contention betwixt them and the [47] Dutch about Tare, that the Company kept their ware-houses shut up about seven or eight months, which made the Dutch, in meere despight, to set up his looms and to fall a draping, and so continueth.

But were it not for the restraint they make, and the power they arrogate to themselves of appointing the place where, the proportion what, the manner how, the time when our woollen Manufactures should be transported, the Gentleman would have more Clothiers for his wools, the Clothier would have more Merchants for his cloth, and the Merchant would have more chapmen for his ware.

And although the Company receive some Immunities from the Towne where they seat themselves, yet are they prejudiciall to the Kingdom in generall, for in lieu thereof those Dutch in London and other places, who terme themselves members of the Intercourse, receive the like Immunities here. And observable it is, that though the Company have such priviledges both at home and abroad, whereby they engrosse the trade of the Kingdome in such a high measure, yet are they liable to pay no greater taxes then others that have neither Charter nor priviledge. If they will have all the trade, it is reason they should pay all the taxes; but they are farre from paying more then ordinary taxes, although the taxes which the Company receives from their members are extraordinary; for as it is extracted out of their owne books, that from the yeare 1616 to 1641 they received [48] in taxes 182295.^l.and odde moneys, besides what they received beyond the seas.

The Company of Merchant-Adventurers doe keep up their Patent for one of these three reasons,

Either	{ for the generall good of this Kingdom,
	{ for the benefit of Merchants in generall,
	{ for the profit of their particular members.

To the first, if it were good for this Kingdom in generall, it is almost impossible but this Company would have beene established by Law, the conveniences and inconveniences thereof having been so oft debated in Parliaments, as is clearly proved for above 150 yeares past; but on the contrary, it never was complained of, but it still was condemned by the wisedom of the Kingdom, and freedom declared for all Merchants to trade.

To the second, if it were for the benefit of Merchants in generall, then for a certaine those Merchants of old time, and the succeeding ages, and the Merchants of these times would not have opposed and complained of them (as it appeares they have) but they would have soone discerned the benefit, which would have been sufficient inducement for Merchants to have joyned with the Company, and needed not to have been forced or beaten into that which is for their owne profit, nor need the Company constrain Merchants to grow rich against their will, especially by indirect meanes.

[49]

To the third, if it be for the profit of their particular members (as it cannot be otherwise conceived) then no doubt, but the Company will speed as in former Parliaments, which God grant..

For were there a freedome of Trade, it would be the onely meanes to cause the Dutch to desist from making of Cloth; and there is nothing that conduceth more to the inlargement of selling any commodity then cheapnesse, for the Dutchman alwayes goeth to the cheapest, though from a Christian to a Iew..

All the premises impartially considered, it is humbly conceived, that it will stand with the policie of this Kingdome to disanull, and cancell the Patent of those that ascribe unto themselves the sole name of Merchants-Adventurers, in regard it is already proved illegall, unusefull, prejudiciall, and abusive..

To conclude, this is not a new Complaint, but an old grievance, having been petitioned against above 150. yeares agoe, and complained of since from time to time, and in this present Parliament there are Petitions depending against the Company, as a Nationall grievance, of Merchants of London, the Clothiers of Worcester, Essex, Suffolke, Norfolke, Kent, Colchester, Norwich, &c. Whereupon it pleased the Honorable House of Commons to appoint a Committee to consider of the Pattent of the said Merchants Adventurers, who being permitted to bring [50] in their learned Counsell, yet they could not prove the legallity thereof.

Thus without any aime of particular interest, but for the generall welfare of the Kingdome, with sincere hearts, and out of the deepest sence of sorrow and griefe of mind, having long observed their miscarriages, we are emboldened to present this generall grievance, as being thereunto bound by a two-fold tye of duty. First, as free-borne Subjects of this Kingdome our birth-right and hereditary Priviledges are neerly concerned, and therefore we ought in conscience to endeavour to preserve them for our posterity, as they have been transmitted to us.

Secondly, for that by the Protestation and Covenant lately taken by us at command of this Parliament, we are againe ingaged so to doe: And truly those two vowes (if remembred) will cause every true-hearted man at least to pray for that which hee is bound to defend and maintaine with the utmost hazzard of his life and fortunes.

FINIS.

A REMONSTRANCE OF THE SHE-CITIZENS of LONDON, And of many thousands of other free-borne women of England

[1]

WE the assistants and co-equalls of the famous Citizens of London, the better parts of the Trained Bands, and Common Councell men, having of a long time beheld the many infranchisements, Donatines and immunities attained by our fellow-feelers, the City of London and the parts adjacent, and for our selves in particular, have purchased nor archieved any thing worthy to be recorded and talked of by posterity as an act of speciall grace and concernment, though we confesse that under our husbands wee have been often comforted as with those sweet watry distillations which hath as from a limberk issued from them, yet we must give notice that your blandum mysterium acted by one man alone, cannot content each of us, being inspired with heroik thoughts, such as famous Messalina and Cleopatra owned, we meane that we should bee tied by the leg with the feeble cords of one only mans [2] hamstrings, who through continuall exercise are become most faultringly feeble, for through the hardnesse of these times denying them their former height of nourishment, they grow worse and worse daily in their occupation, and even by nature are debarred to spend so freely on us as in times past, for the removall of which severall inconveniencies, we shall humbly remonstrate.

That whereas this sterrill maladie is occasioned by a strict subjugation of us the free-borne women of England, by a law strictly forbidding any of us to scan the tremeter of any but to each of them to whom we are bound and obliged, we conceive that this prohibition tendeth to the detriment not onely of us but of the whole Kingdom, & that wanting that free commerce which nature licenseth, the Kingdome cannot choose but be disappointed of many generous soules, which if otherwise it is likely to be enriched with, in case of a free propagation, and which doth pierce us through with an earnest and longing contrition; this Island is now thinly inhabited, by reason of the late warres, wherein so many well-tried and able proficients have been untimely massacred, so that not onely themselves are perished for the present, but wee are also utterly deprived of the hopes wee were in of their after able performances for the good of the Kingdome, which consisteth in nothing more then in being fully replenished with people; we therefore with joynt consent, having taken into our consideration, the great decay of Males, that is likely inevitably to happen, if timely prevention, be not thought on, have thought fit to remonstrate that for the future, we shall [3] not beare such seared soules about us, as one woman, to live by the daily and nightly sweat of onely one mans browes when he perhaps though doing his utmost, is not able to satisfie nature, but shall for our owne contentments, the ease of men and for the speedie peopling of the Kingdome, shall every one of us desire the assistance of so many (of whose abillitie we are sufficiently assured) as may produce numerosa proles, a vast Generation, not only to defend us at home, but also to prevent invasions from afarre, and we desire also (since to us by consequence) according as that stiffe slander for the subjects Liberties Col. Lilburn hath noted, belongeth every immunitie of Magna Charta, that in case of our husbands defaults, or debillities, we may our selves trade a broad in the Country, and utter our warres to our best advantage for it is not, as in the youth of the world when Lot was so free of his flesh, that he begot Moab, and Ammon, in his sleep nature, is now growne old, and stoopeth under the weight of time, we must have Eringoes, and Lobsters, to beget that, which in the worlds infancie, a carrot or a crab-fish equalled every thing decaies, and there is a generall declining in all things, there is an alteration, and defect in the condition (of bodies) over the whole frame, and sisteme of nature, the clouds doe forbare to raine downe their geniall showers, neither doe the flowers blush, with such perfumed fires as in the first morning of the world, the fire, which heretofore, was the mother of May creatures, as the Salamander the Pirausta and others, is now growne quite fruitlesse and barren, the ayre, doth not bestow such a vitall, and broodall incubation upon the earth, [4] and if this decay be in the greater Microcosme of nature, it must needs be in the lesse Microcosme of man, and therefore we who are of a substance hot and drie, and every whit as vigorous, as in the first nonage of the world ought not to be debarred of that right, to which we were created, but that the disabillities of one man should be supplied, with the abillities of another, which cannot be attained unlesse we shift our condition, and be licensed a free trade.

Which that we may the sooner attain, we conceive no way conducing more to our desire, then that his Majestie speedily come to London, there to reside with honour and safetie; for let the world know, to our unspeakeable grief, we have these many yeares missed the societie of his retainers, those imbroidered Courtiers, who heighten their longings at more charge, then if each of them constantly kept at rack and manger foure Flanders mares, and the heavenly dew that they were wont daily to water us with, and to our infinit joy, jog us, when we were coacht jogging to mile-end, to Islington, and Braineford, stuffing our bellies with cakes, and creame; and while our husbands good men, were either handselling their wares, or canselling their bonds, not dreaming that we also, were bartering their commodities for our best advantage: we therefore desire, that his Majestie may with all speed repaire to London, as the primary way for us to attaine our wishes, and till then, like the thirstie earth chapt for lack of rain, wee wait for-------

But least preturbances should arise & we sleep too supinely and though the royall partie be subjugated, we be any way damnified, by a wounded foe, we shall not [5] carelesly levell aud let our works be entred by those, of whose trust and fidelitie we have not ample experience, for some may give us an alarum, and yet want ammunition to maintain the fight; may charge us once, and yet afterward prove so lumpish, that afterward they must be forced, and dandled to the incounter; and whom we may be constrained to provoke to the skirmish, defying them with hot trenchers and warme napkins, applied to our bodies; we therefore doe desire that such should man our works, and sleep in our quarters, who shall bee sufficient, not only to please, but defend us from the incursions, of any craftie and disabled enemie; and should it so happen, (as who knowes the issue of things) that we should be surprized, our hopes and assurance is this, that though their onset be never so hot and fierce, yet we shall occasion their retreat, to be coole and tame: yea were they as strong as Sampson or Milo, we shall soone quaile their Courage, if not at the first, yet the second incounter; but this, if they should gaine our works; but we assure our enemies, which may serve as a terror to disswade them from daring, to give an assault; that if we shall not find them well weaponed, (for we hate Souldiers that are not for the punctillo) but either dulled with often service, or their weapons broken near the handles, through their former fool-hardinesse and desperate valour, in daring to scale, though incountered with S. Anthonies Fire, that we shall give to such no quarter, but shall reserve them as Pageants for mirth, at our pleasures to transluce.

The mournfull Cryes of many thousand Poore Tradesmen, who are ready to famish through decay of Trade. Or, the warning Teares of the Oppressed.

OH that the cravings of our Stomacks could bee heard by the Parliament and City! Oh that the Teares of our poore famishing Babes were botled! Oh  that their tender Mothers Cryes for bread to feed them were ingraven in brasse! Oh that our pined Carkasses were open to every pittifull Eye! Oh that it were knowne, that wee sell our Beds and cloaths for Bread! Oh our Hearts faint and wee are ready to swoone in the top of every Street.

O you Members of Parliament and rich men in the City, that are at ease, and drinke Wine in Bowles, and stretch your selves upon Beds of downe, you that grind our faces and Flay off our skins, will no man amongst you regard, will no man behold our faces black with Sorrow and Famine, is there none to Pity. The Sea-monster drawes out the brest and gives suck to their young ones, and are our Rulers become cruell like the Ostrich in the Wildernesse, Lament. 4. 3.

OH yee Great men of ENGLAND, will not (thinke you) the righteous GOD behold our Affliction, doth not hee take notice that you devour us as if our Flesh were Bread? are not most of you eyther Parliament-men, Commitee-men, Customers, Excize-men, Treasurers, Gouernours of Townes and Castles, or Commanders in the Army, Officers in those Dens of Robbery the Courts of Law? and are not your Kinsmen and allies, Collectors of the Kings revenue, or the Bishops rents, or Sequestrators? what then are your ruffling Silkes and Velvets, and your glittering Gold and Silver Laces, are they not the sweat of our Browes, and the wants of our backes and bellies?

Its your Taxes, Customes, and Excize, that compells the Country to raise the price of Food, and to buy nothing from us but meere absolute necessaries; and then you of the City that buy our Worke, must have your Tables furnished, and your Cups overflow; and therefore will give us little or nothing for our Worke, even what you [1] please, because you know wee must sell for monyes to set our Families on worke, or else wee famish: Thus our Flesh is that whereupon you Rich men live, and wherewith you decke and adorne your selves. Yee great men, is it not your Plenty and abundance which begets you Pride and Riot? and doe not your Pride beget Ambition, and your ambition Faction, and your faction these Civill broyles; what else but your Ambition and Faction continue our Distractions and Oppressions? Is not all the Controversie whose Slaves the poore shall bee? Whether they shall be the Kings vassalles, or the Presbyterians, or the Independant factions? and is not the Contention nourished, that you whose Houses are full of the spoiles of your Countrey, might be secure from Accompts, while there is nothing but Distraction, and that by the tumultuousnesse of the People under prodigious oppression. you might have faire Pretences to keepe up an Army, and Garrisons, and that under pretence of necessitie you may uphold your arbitrary Government by Committees, &c.

Have you not upon such pretences brought an Army into the bowels of the City, and now Exchange doth rise already beyond Sea, and no Marchants beyond Sea will trust their Goods hither, and our owne Marchants conveigh their [2] Estates from hence, so there is likely to bee no importing of Goods, and then there will be no Exporting, and then our Trade will bee utterly Lost, and our Families perish as it were in a moment.

O yee Parliament men heare our dying Cry, settle the Common-wealth, settle the Common-wealth! strive not who shall bee greatest untill you be all confounded. You may if you will presently de termine where the supreame Power resides, and settle the Iust common Freedomes of the Nation, so that all Parties may equally receive Iustice and injoy their Right, and every one may bee as much concerned as other to defend those common Freedomes; you may presently put downe your Arbitrary Committees and let us be Governed by plaine written Lawes in our owne Tongue, and pay your ministers of Iustice out of a common, Treasurie, that every one may have Iustice freely and impartially.

You have in your hands the Kings, Queenes, and Princes revenue, and Papists Lands, and Bishops, and Deanes, and Chapters lands, and Sequestred lands, at least to the value of Eighteene hundred thousand Pounds by the yeare. Which is at least five hundred Thousand pounds a yeare more then will pay the Navie and all the Army, and the Forces which need to bee kept up in England and Ireland; and out of that the Kingdomes debts would bee payd yearely; whereas now you runne further into Debt daily, and pay One thousand pounds by the Day at least for use Money; besides you may if you will Proclaime Liberty, for all to come and discover to a Committee of dis-ingaged men, chosen out of every County, one for a County to discover to them what Monies and Treasure, your owne Members and your Sequestrators, &c. have in their hands, and you may by that meanes find many Millions of money to pay the Publique debts. You may find 30000. l. in Mr. Richard Darley’s hand 25000. l. in Mr. Thorpes hands [3], a Member of Yours who first Proclaimed Sir John Hotham Traytor. And thus you may take off all Taxes presently, and so secure Peace, that Trading may revive and our Pining, hungry, famishing Families bee saved.

And O yee Souldiers who refused to Disband, because you would have Iustice and Freedome, who Cryed till the Earth ecchoed Iustice, Iustice; forget not that Cry, but cry speedily for Peace and Iustice, Louder then ever. There is a large Petition of some pitifull men that’s now abroad, which containes all our desires, and were that Granted in all things, wee should have Trading againe, and should not need to begge our Bread, though those men have so much mercy as they would have none to cry in the streets for Bread.

Oh though you bee Souldiers, shew bowels of Mercy and Pity to a hunger starved People; Goe downe to the Parliament, desire them to consume and trifle away no more time, but offer your desires for Vs in that large Petition, and cry Iustice, Iustice; Save, save, save the Perishing people; O cry thus till your importunity make them heare you.

O Parliament men, and Souldiers! Necessity dissolves all Lawes and Government, and Hunger will break: through stone walls, Tender Mothers will sooner devoure You, then the Fruit of their owne wombe, and hunger regards no Swords nor Cannons. It may be some great oppressours intends tumults that they may escape in a croud, but your food may then be wanting as well as ours, and your Armes will bee hard diet. O hearke, hearke at our doores how our children cry Bread, bread, bread, and we now with bleeding hearts, cry, once more to you, pity, pity, an oppressed inslaved people: carry our cries in the large petition to the Parliament, and tell them if they be still deafe; the Teares of the oppressed will wash away the foundations of their houses. Amen, Amen so be it.

[2]

Mistris New-come.

HOw doe you good Mistris Custome? I man hath to give you a [Editor: illegible word] to see how you doe.

Mistris Custome, M. New-come, pray draw neare and sit downe; come, you are heartily, heartily welcome.

M. New. I shall be a trouble to you, I see you are busie.

M. Cust. No, no, not so busie, but I can spare so much time as to discourse with you a while; how doth your husband doe? what, is he at home? or where is his Rendezvouz?

M. New. I thank you Mistris Custome; he is not at home, nor is his Rendezvouz farre from home but what have you a Feast here suddenly that you are so Decking, Adorning,and Trimming up your house with thisa fine Rosemary and Bayes. I beleeve there is some such doings is there not?

M. Cust. No truely, here is no Feasting but what doth fall out according to that Time.

M. New. Time; pray now what Time?

[3]

M. Cust. Why, Christmas, woman; have you forgot it? Indeed these Wars and Jars would almost make one forget their Christen name, if they were not often called on, to put one in remembrance.

M. New. Indeed Christmas can hardly be beaten out of many folks heads, which is a very strange thing.

M. Cust. Not so strange as true, woman; I should rather, and sooner forget my mother that bare me, and the paps that gave me suck, then forget this merry Time; nay, if thou hadst ever seen the Mirth and Jolitie that we have had at those Times when I was young, thou wouldst blesse thy selfe to see it.

M. New. Nay, undoubtedly I might very well beleeve you without swearing; for surely, there was then excessive Sports, Pastimes, and Revels, that it would make a bodies haire stand on end to heare and see it.

M. Cust. Didst thou never heare of my Grand-father? why, he was second cousin to the Earle of Dum-belly, Cup-bearer to Bacchus, Knight of the Vapour, and Esquire of the Pipe; he was a great Politician, Monopolist, and Project-monger; t'is very strange you never heard of him.

M. New. I have heard of the like, if not the same; but what of him?

M. Cust. What of him; nay, nothing of him, but I say my Grand-father was his second cousin.

M. New. Well, and what of that?

[4]

M. Cust. What of that? Nay, by the masse, I forgot where I was; this ’tis to have such a scurvy head-piece, my Lady I know not what I was going to say.

M. New. It was about your Grand-father at Christmas.

M. Cust. O me, O me, ’tis true, ’tis true; I see you keep your brains warmer then I doe, which makes you so ripe-witted: but for feare I should forget againe, Ile tell thee; my Grand-father kept a brave house at Christmas, (it makes ones teeth dance in ones head like Virginal-Jacks with the very conceit on’t) for according to his owne Verses:)

Then Pell Mell murther in a purple hue,
In reeking blood, did slaughtering pawes imbreu;
Then Cocks Hens, Capons, Turkey, Goose & Widgeon,
Heres, Conyes, Phesants, Partridge, Plovar, Pigeon.
All these were cast into the furious pawes
Of break-neck Powlt’rers, t’undegoe their Lawes:
The Butchers Axe (like great Achillea Bat)
Dings deadly downe, ten thousand thousand flat;
Each Butcher by himselfe makes Martiall Lawes,
Cut throats and kills, then quarters, hangs, and drows.
When this is done, then to the Pot and Spit
’Tis totally committed every bit.

This I say, the very conceit of this is enough to make one chew the Cud; for my part, it makes me me thinks look two yeares younger then I did before, every time I think on’t; indeed they were brave Times, pray God send us such again, and we shall once more have a merry world.

[5]

M. New. This was in the times of old when men were trunck-[Editor: illegible word].

M. Cust. Nay, by Lady (God forgive me for swearing) it is not so long since; for my father kept a brave house to at that Time, though he pinched for it all the yeare after; he had all the Varieties as the earth could afford, for Boyled, Baked, and Roasted.

M. New. I have seen but a little of this Sport, yet of that little I have seen too much; for it would make the stander by ashamed to see what the feeder devoures and what gods they make of their bellies that one would think that people also take in twelve moneths Provision into their pauches, or that they did ballast their bellies for a voyage to Constantinople, or to the East-Indies.

M. Cust. Indeed all this as you speake is true; for I think verily, if it were not for Dancing, Frisking, Playing, Toying, Christmas-Gamboles, and such kind of jogging Exercises to shake it down, it were impossible they should devoure so much as they do. Then to see Cook hot and Cook cold, Cook young and Cook old, Scullion & Scullions mate, all in a sweat, like so many Monarchs of the Marrow-bones, Marquesses of the Mutton, Princes of the Pyes and Pasties, Lords, High-Regents of the Spits and Kittles, Barons of the Griddiron, and so be Commanders of the Frying-panne, during this Festivall. I say, to see them Act their Tragi-comicall Feasts, would make a man or [6] womans stomacke elevate its selfe into another temper.

M. New. And all this hurly-burly is for no other purpose but to stop the greeby mouth of this Leviathan, or Land-whale, Christmas.

M. Cust. Well, ’tis true; but now for sooth Christmas must be cryed downe, Reformation must be cryed up; if they were weighed in a ballance, then I know Christmas would goe downe without crying: but there are some now adayes, a Crew of Tatter-demallians, amongst which the best could scarce ever attain to a Calves-skin-Sute, or a piece of Neck-Beefe and Garrets to dinner on a Sunday, or scarcely ever mounted (before these times) to any Office above the degree of Scavenger or Tything-man at the farthest; and now for sooth these Reformado’s, upon pretence of Reformation, shall destroy and overthrow the most Famous and Commendable Customes of this Land; especially for the observing and keeping of this Great Day: what, are we forsooth wiser then our fathers that brought us up, and educated us in this Wisedom? ’Tis a strange thing to me; it can’t be beaten into my braines, that this can be just and honest.

M. New. M. Custome, you were best to discourse with some of those which thinke it not fitting to keep that Time in such a Revelling way, perhaps and no doubt but they will give you reasons against it; and I partly know you to be a rationall woman and that you will permitt reason to beare the sway.

[7]

M. Cust. Reason, reason; as if any man could shew a reason for not keeping of Christmas, you spake as had as blasphemie: Christmas, that hath been a Custome ever since the world began, should now with a puffe of reason, through the Ramshorne of selfe-conceit, with the walls of Jericho, be layd flat to the ground.

M. New. Nay, M. Custome, although it is a Custome very Ancient, yet it is not so old as the world; there you are somewhat mistaken.

M. Cust. As for the world, I doe not know its age; but for Christmas, I am sure it was kept in my Grand-fathers great Grand-fathers time, in my Grand-fathers time, & in my fathers time, & none of these did ever think it Superstition or Idolatry; and for my part, I will keep it as long as I am able, let all the powers on earth stand to oppose it.

And though the Fields dis-robed be
   Of all their Herbs and Fruits,
And the merrie chirping Birds
   Are all turn’d tonguelesse mutes;
Yet we will sing and merrie be,
   Our time in Sport wee’l passe,
Not weighing how the time shall be,
   Nor never how it was.

M. New. Then you are resolved.

M. Cust. I am for that matter, come what will come; ah how (me thinkes) my braines are wher upon the conceit on’t; I could wish now at this Time, that the Valiantest Champion of all the [8] Round-headed Disputants, to encounter with me in this Argument: I tell thee, If I had the tongue of Hermes, who (as my Husband saith) was Prolocutor to the gods; or if I had as many fingers as Camaldus, who was feigned to have an hundred hands. If surging Neptune, was converted into Inke, or the rugged-ragged-face of our antient mother Tellus, were Paper, yet could not the verball, volubilitie, or elocution of my voyce, nor the agilitie, dexteritie, or facultie of my hands, nor the spacious, unmesurable number-lesse, white innocent Paper; no, none of all these could either speak, write, or by any other meanes declare the aboundance of Arguments, comprehended within the notion of my braine for this unlimited Subject.

M. New. For my part, your Eloquence is to harsh for me. M. Cust. Oh, I have it by heart; I have heard my Husband, when Gentlemen have been drinking here at my house, rabble out aboundance of this Fustian-stuffe, which gives them a great deale of content, especially when they have almost seen the Devill in a Prize Jerkin, and every thing look with Janus faces.

M. New. Then I perceive by you that you cannot possibly be wrought on to leave this Old Ceremony, your mind is so unchangeable.

M. Cust. Unchangeable, can the Black-moore change his skin, or the Sunne alter his continued course? Yet sooner can these things be done then [9] my mind changed, for to keep old Christmas once again.

M. New. It is an old saying, and true, That which is bred in the bone, will seldome or never out of the flesh.

M. Cust. Thou sayest true; My great Grand-father, my Grand-father, my father, and now my selfe, these nine and fortie yeares have kept this Festivall Time, and this yeare above all the rest ought to be kept, for it is the yeare of Iubile, as the Bishop of Armagh said, when he preached before the King; and I for my part am fourescore and one yeares old: So that here is Iubile upon Iubile, yeare-Iubile for my birth, and the year Iubile for my keeping Christmas: and therefore shall not we be merry mine owne S. Nichol. a Cod?

We will be merry, let all say what they will,
As we have kept it, so wee’l keepe it still.

M. New. What, will you keepe it in spite of Authoritie?

M. Cust. What Authoritie? I am sure my father and mother had the greatest authoritie over me ever since I was borne, and other authoritie I knew none before I was married, & now it seems I am under a crabbed Husbands authoritie, and besides him I will be subject to none, and I am sure he is as strong for Christmas as the greatest of our Ancestours; and therefore that Authoritie will not curb me.

M. New. Then it seemes you know no other authoritie?

[10]

M. Cust. No by our Lady, not I: neither doe I desire to know any, for he is crabbed enough of any conscience; if I should tell you all, you would say so too: therefore the Devill take all other Authority, if it be no better then a dogged, arossegraine Devillish Husband.

M. New. Why, then you count the Parliament no Authoritie?

M. Cust. I hope Gossip you are not come to pick quarrells with me in my owne house?

M. New. No truely M. Custome, not I, neither would I have you to entertaine such a hard conceit; for my part I was never so well read in such Principles, nor ever took any degree at the Universitie of Billingsgate.

M. Cust. Perhaps you are of your mothers tutor-age then, for I am sure she was an Oyster-woman of that Colledge for one and twentie yeares, to my owne knowledge; and had her tongue as nimble as an Italian Mountebanck.

M. New. What my mother was is nothing to me.

M. Cust. But you are a Chip of the Old Block: for what doe you mean, in telling me of the Parliament?

M. New. I meane the two Houses of Parliament which have jumped together in one Opinion, for the putting downe and destroying of this Romish Beast Christmas; for which, they are to be commended.

[11]

M. Cust. It is a strange thing; let the Devill never so cunningly hide his head, we shall know him by his Cloven foot; nor let the Asse never so craftily hide his feet, yet we may know him by his Eares: and howsoever covertly you have carried your selfe, I know you, both by head & heels: I see you are one of the New Faction, and a great Student in Spittle-Colledge; but that is nothing to me: yet what do you mean by Calling Christmas a Romish Beast? pray explain your self at large.

M. New. To leave all manner of Circumstance, which is not pertinent to our Subject in hand——

M. Cust. By Lady neighbour, I think you are one of these New Teachers, you handle your matter so excellent; but I trouble you, pray proceed.

M. New. The word (Christmas) if learnedly weighed in it we shall and matter of dangerous Consequence: As.

1. If we consider what the word or name is, Christ.

2. If we consider who gave him this name.

3. Where he was Christned, or had the name given him.

4. By what authoritie they gave him this name.

Of which I shall proceed in order, according to my weak abilitie: And first for the word; Christmas to a word which deciphers a Scorpion which is a venomous Beast, which carries a sting at his tayle and so doth Christmas; for the word [12] Masse is a king in the tayle of that Romish Beast: Secondly, we must consider who gave him this name, & that was his God-fathers and God-mothers in Baptisme; from whence ariseth this doubtfull question? who they were, and that was Pope Boniface, Pope Fireface, and Pope Joane; but by reason of their non-residence here in England, the Bishops took that office upon them and stood as shitten Gossips. Thirdly, the place where, this is by the learned held in great Dispute, but I beleeve in his infancie he was sickly; and therefore according to the Church of Englands Tenets he was twice Christned that is to say, at home here in England, and afterwards confirmed at Rome, the Mother Church of all such Antichristian Heresies: but I shall be over tedious, therefore I will come to the fourth Devision, and that is by what authoritie they doe these things: this will take up a greate deale of time to open and explaine unto you, if I should doe it to purpose; therefore I will omit it, onely certifying you thus much, that there is no power under the Sun that hath any authoritie to erect or build up, neither to destroy and pull down any thing, save what is in the will of the two Houses of Parliament.

M. Cust. That word waked me, indeed I was almost asleep; what, you say that the Parliament hath power to pull down Christmas; I pray then what will they put up in the roome on’t, Stage-Playes, [13] Dancing upon the Ropes, & Hocus Pocus. M. New.

No, it shall be like other Times, not one day higher or lower then another; for it is not for us to stand upon Times and Seasons.

M. Cust. Fie upon’t, fie upon’t, away with’t, away with’t, I doe not know this Parliament, ’tis no kin to me; If this is the Authoritie you talked of, God deliver me from such Authoritie; this is worser Authoritie then my Husbands, for though my Husband beats me now and then, yet he gives my belly full, and allowes me money in my purses which as I take it, the Parliament will not; for I remember men come for money, money, and if I aske them what it is, for they still keepe in one tune like the Cockoe, and tell me it is for the Parliament; God deliver me from those that will neither let us eate our victualls and be merry, though they don’t pay for it; nor yet if they could helpe it, leave us any money in our purses.

M. New. Then you doe not regard thesePowers, let them say or doe what they will.

M. Cust. No indeed, not I; is it not fitting I should do what I will with mine own? Cannot I keep Christmas, eate good Chear, & be Merry, without I goe and get a Licence from the Parliament? Marry gap, come up here, for my part Ile be hanged by the neck first; must I be subject to them I never saw in my life? No, no, neighbour, they are mistaken in me; though they set up Scare-Crowes to scare fooles withall, they shall not fright me.

[14]

M. New. Truely neighbour, if these Powers and Authorities will not make you leave off this Superstitious and Idolatrous Feasting, some other sharper and more rigorous power must.

M. Cust. Must, doe you say? How now, you said you did not come to Scold, but I see you will Scold before you goe: I see now by the Masse, there is no making hony of a Dogs-turd; that which is bred in the bone will never out of the flesh; your mother I saith hath taught you your lerry, almost as perfect as she hath it her selfe: must make me?

M. New. Yes, must make you: I do not goe to eate my words Gillian: what I have spoken Ile speake againe, I have those which shall maintaine me in it, I care not who knows it, and that is the honest godly partie of the Armie, of which societie my Husband is a member; therefore take heed what you say.

M. Cust. What have I to doe with the Army, I have nothing to say to the Army.

M. New. But the Armie hath something to say to you then: for if no power will tame you, they can and will tame you; were you as fierce as a Lyon, they will new-mould you into better breeding, and make you leave off your Superstitious Feasting, and turne to Fasting, if you doe not mend your manners.

M. Cust. As for the Armie, no doubt but there may be some honest men amongst them, but all [15] the world knowes what thy Husband was, a poore man which ran out of his Countrey for debt, and afterwards betooke himselfe to be Master Percyes Groome, to rub his Horses heeles in Drury-Land; And now such as he is, must come to tame those which are ten times better then themselves; this is a fine world indeed.

M. New. Huswife farewell; I have with silence heard things of a dangerous Consequence against the Parliament and Armie; therefore looke to it for you shall surely suffer for it; these things cannot be let slip without severe punishment, either with the deprivation of Life and Libertie, or at least the losse of your Goods.

M. Cust. Devill, doe thy worst; if they are honest men they will not doe it: Yet all this Chattring shall not put me off from keeping Christmas.

For as long as I doe live,
   And have a Joviall Crew,
I’le sit and Chat, Laugh, and be Fat,
   And give Christmas his Due.

[1]

The Hunting of the Foxes from New-Market and Triploe-Heaths to White-Hall, by five small Beagles (late of the Armie.)

When we remember our solemn Engagement at Newmarket and Triploe-Heaths, and but therewith consider and compare the strange actings that have been, and still are carried on in the name of the Army (as if upon the accompt of that Engagement) we are even startled at the palpable contrariety and disparity that appeareth betwixt them; for the difference is as great and as wide, as betwixt bondage and freedom: So that it hath put us upon consideration to finde out and discover, where the fault lurketh; and upon serious thoughts, wee cannot impute the declinings of the first Principles of the Army, to the Army it self, but rather to some Persons of private and dangerous interests, usurping and surprising the name of the Army; like as it was said of the 11 impeached Members, concerning the Name and Authority of Parliament, imprinting the face and stampe of that Authority upon their prodigious designs, to the great abuse of the Parliament, as this must needs be of the Army. These, as too many such there be, are Foxes of the deepest kinde, more deceitfull and pernitious than their predecessours; and that such there are, wofull experience puts it out of question: and who they are the print of their footsteps is so evident, that you may trace them from step to step, from hole to hole to their Master Den, where you may finde the whole litter of Foxes in conspiracy, and you may know them by their shapes. Thus then to their footsteps.

When in the times of Stapteton & Hollis, the then faction was aspired to that height of tyranny and insolency, as to overtop the authority and native freedom of the People, threatning generall vassalage to the whole Nation, then the private souldiery (to interpose betwixt the people and their destroiers) drew themselves into that solemn Engagement of June 5. 1647. in the attempting and transaction of which they found no small opposition (as may well be remembred) amongst the Officers; and at that time Cromwell [2] highly dissented, notwithstanding the earnest solicitation and importunity of many friends, til he was forced for fear of imprisonment, to fly to the then engaging souldiery (the day after the first Rendezvous) for refuge, and then Cromwell and Ireton, when they saw no other way to preserve themselves and their interest, engaged in the subversion of that domineering, tyrannical faction, and assuming high offices to themselves, acting as generall Officers, without the election of the soldiery, or Commission from the Parliament, being out by the self-denying Ordinance, and the General having no power to make generall Officers.

And being thus seated, even before they were well warmed in their places, they begin to stomack the sitting of the private souldiers in Councel with them; although it is wel known, that the actions of the Army, moving as an Army, in relation to that Engagement, was, first to be concluded of by a Councell, to consist of those generall Officers (who concurred with the Army in their then just undertakings) with two Commission Officers and two soldiers to be chosen for each Regiment; but a Councell thus modelled, was not sutable to their wonted greatnes and ambition, it was somewhat of scorn to them, that a private soldier (though the Representour of a Regiment) should sit cheek by joll with them, and have with an Officer an equall vote in that Councel: This was a thing savoured too much of the peoples authority and power, and therefore inconsistent with the transaction of their lordly Interest; the title of free Election (the original of all just authorities) must give place to prerogative patent (the root of all exorbitant powers) that Councel must change the derivation of its session, and being from Agreement and election of the souldiery to the patent of the Officers, and none to sit there but commission Officers, like so many patentee Lords in the high Court of Parliament, deriving their title from the will of their General, as the other did theirs, from the will of the King: so that the difference was no other, but in the chang of names: Here was (when at this perfection) as absolute a Monarchy, and as absolute a Prerogative Court over the Army, as Commoners, as ever there was over the Common-wealth, and accordingly this Councel was overswarmed with Colonels, Lieut. Colonels, Majors, Captains, &c. contrary to and beyond the tenour of the Engagement.

[3]

Hence followed secret murmurings & whisperings amongst the Prerogative Officers against the session and power of the Agitators, and at length palpable endeavors broke forth to suppress them: & so soon as the Officers had wound up themselvs to a faction, sufficient to overtop them, and finding the privity of the Agitators in their Councels was an impediment to their evil interest and ambition, then it was openly given out, That they stood as souldiers, only to serve the State, and might not as free Commons insist upon their liberty; and that the ground of their refusing to disband, was, only the want of Arrears and Indempnity, which, how contrary to their Engagement, Declarations, Representations, See. Hear, O heavens, and judge, O earth! for doth not their Declaration of Jun. 14. 1647. in their persons thus speak.

Book Decl. f. 39.“We shall before disbanding proceed in our own and the Kingdoms behalf, &c. especially considering, that we were not a Mercinary Army, hired to serve any Arbitrary power of a state, but called forth and conjured by the several Declarations of Parliament to the defence of our own, & the peoples just Rights & Liberties.”

And if of our own, then not to destroy our right of Petitioning, for that is in the number of our own, and so formerly owned by themselves. And further some few lines after they thus proceed.

“The said Declaration stil directing us to the equitable sense of all Laws and Constitutions, as dispensing with the very letter of the same, and being supream to it, when the safety and preservation of all is concerned, and assured us. That all Authority is fundamentally seated in the Office, and but ministerially in the Persons:”

And then to confirm and justifie their motion, as Commoners in behalf of the People, they cite the Presidents of Scotland, Netherlands, Portugall, and others; adding this,

“That accordingly the Parliament hath declared it no resisting of Magistracy, to side with the just principles and law of Nature and Nations, being that Law, upon which we have assisted you; and that the souldiers may lawfully hold the hands of the Generall (and if of the Generall then of Cromwell, Ireton and Harrison) who will turn his Cannon against the Army, on purpose to destroy them; the Sea-man the hands of that Pilot who wilfully runs the ship upon a rock, as our brethren of Scotland argued, and such were the proceedings of our Ancestours of famous memory, &c.”

[4]

Here out of their owne mouths it is contest, That the souldiery are not, nor ought to be mercinary; and that the General (and so consequently all the Officers) may be opposed by the souldiery in case of an immanent destruction to them; and how absolutely destructive it is to them, to be deprived of their right as Commoners, and not suffered upon pain of death or cashierment to petition the Parliament, but to be rendred meerly mercinary to the lusts and ambitions of two or three persons, to serve their pernicious ends, let the world judge: This is a case so plain, so obvious and evident, as none can deny, but that it is a palpable subversion of the Right of the Souldiery; and therfore in such a case they are bound to oppose their Officers, and it is no resisting of the General, nor of the Officers, no more than it is a resisting Magistracy, to side with the just Principles and law of Nature and Nations, as themselves have owned and contest, and if they will not stand to it, they must be kept to it.

And besides, if the equity of the Law be superiour (as they say) to the letter, and if the letter should controll and overthrow the equity, it is to be controld and overthrown it self, and the equity to be preserved, then the rule of the same reason doth tell them, that the Officer is but the form or letter of the Army; and therefore inferiour to the equitable or essentiall part, the Souldiery, and to be controlled and overthrown themselves, when they controll and overthrow the Souldiery in the essentials of their being, life, liberty and freedom, as the souldiery are, when by the Officers rendred meerly mercinary, and denied their right of addresse by way of Petition to the Parliament, for to be tortur’d, enslav’d and opprest, and not suffer’d to complain, but tormented and abused for complaining (although to the Parliament, the undoubted right of an English-man) is the highest cruelty, villany and slavery can be imagined, even Tyranny at the height, and therfore to be opposed by the Souldiery.

And thus, and upon these fundamentals of Nature and Reason the Netherlands made their resistance against the King of Spain. Thus rose the Scots up in arms, and entered this Kingdom, immediately before this Parliament, without [5] all formal countenance or allowance of King or Parliament, since owned and justified by this Parliament. Thus this Parliament took up arms against the King: and thus the Parliament of France now taketh up armes: yea thus this Army enter’d upon their solemn Engagement against the oppressing party at Westminster. And thus may the souldiery renue and revive the same, and even oppose, contradict, dispute and overrule the commands of their Officers themselvs to the contrary, and be equally justifiable with the foregoing presidents. But to return to the matter in hand.

When Cromwell and Ireton, and their faction of self interessed Officers thought they had got the souldiery fast by the brain, as to dote sufficiently upon their transaction and conduct of busines, they then decline the Agitators, decline the Engagement, sleight their Declarations and Promises to the people and Army, rendring the Agitatours but as ciphers amongst them, corrupting some with places, overruling and overawing others, and so bringing the transactions of the Army in order to their solemn Engagement, only to themselves, under the impression and name of his Excellency, and his Councel of War, & so by degrees, step after step they cast out the interest of the souldiery from amongst them, destroied the Engagement, and broke the faith of the Army.

So that the honest souldiery not seeing any redresse, the rights and freedoms of the Nation not cleared or secured, no indempnity or security for arrears, or provision for present pay, no determinate period of time set, when the Parliament should certainly end, no publike vindication of the Army from that most horrid Declaration against the souldiery for petitioning, nor of suppressing and burning Petitions, abusing and imprisoning petitioners, &c.

These things the souldiery beholding and observing, endeavored to restore their Agents to a competent power and ability, to make good the faith of the Army to the people, but then they found the hottest opposition from Cromwell and Ireton with his faction of Officers, as who ever cals but to mind the busines of Ware, when Col. Eyer was imprisoned, and M. Arnold a private souldier was shot to death for promoting and assisting the work of the souldiery in reference to the solemn Engagement of the Army, may know.

[6]

And then it may be remembred how insolent & furious Cromwell deported himself against the honest observers of the faith of the Army, it being then made death to observe the Engagement, or but speak for the Agitators: O let that day never be forgotten! let not the bloud of that innocent person be here had out of remembrance, till justice be had for the same; neither let our Engagement or the perfidious perjured subverters thereof be forgotten; for here the Engagement was utterly cast aside, and the Adjutators laid by, and after that no more Agitators would be permitted, but the sentence of death, imprisonment, and cashierments for all that endeavored the reviving thereof was denounced: here the right of the soldiery was clearly destroied, and the Gen. Officers became lords of the name of the Army, assuming the same to themselves, and fitting the impression thereof upon all their future actings, to the abuse and surprisall of the Army; although in deed and in truth no transacting since by Cromwell, Ireton, and their Officers, though in the name of the Gen. Councel of the Army, wil be accounted or imputed to the act of the Army, for it is no Gen. Councel, neither doth it represent the Army, neither hath it the Authority or Commission of the Army therin; for it is another Councel, differing from that of the Engagement of the Army, that was by election, this is by force and obtrusion, in that the soldiery were represented, in this only the Officers, that is to consist of those Gen. Officers concurring with the Engagement, two Com. Officers, and two soldiers chosen out of every Regiment, this is only a Councel of war, whose power doth extend to no transaction in the name of the Army, as Commoners, but only to matters of war, as souldiers: therefore their propositions and tamperings with the King, their march up to London, their violent secluding of so many members from Parl. their triall and execution of the King, of D. Hamilton, Holland, and stout Capel, their erection of the high Court, of the Counsel of State, and their raigning in, & overruling the House, their stopping the Presses, committing violent outrages and cruelties therupon, their usurpation of the civil Authority, &c. are not to be esteemed as actions of the Army, they are not to be set upon the score of the soldiery, for the soldiery hath no mouth in their Councels, neither have they therin to do.

[7]

Thus it may well be conceived, that their clothing themselves with the glorious Garments of that Engagement, with their manifold Declarations, Remonstrances, &c. was but in order to what time hath since made manifest, to heave out Stapleton and that faction, to grasp the sole dominion into their own hands: for by their fair speeches and fawning dissimulations, they courted the Souldiery and honest party of the Common-wealth into a strong delusion, even to believe their lyes, their enchantments, and sorceries: Never were such Saints, such curious Angels of light; Pharaohs Egyptian Sorcerers were short of these in their Art. And when by that means they had compassed their ends against Hollis and his, they were so far from insisting upon the premises of their former promises and vows, that they resolve upon an Hocas Pocas trick with the King, and so set upon the work (to make him a Pandor to their dominion and power, to make him a skreen betwixt them and the people) and they drive it to a bargain, Cromwel to be made Earl of Essex, and that This was delivered by Lieut. Col. Iohn Lilburn, and offered by him to be made good upon his life, at the bar of the House of Commons. (beside his George and blew Ribband) to be a Knight of the Garter, his own son to be Bed chamber-man to the Prince, and his Son in law Ireton, either Lord Deputy of Ireland, or at least Field Marshal General of Ireland, and his own Son (that commanded the Gen. Life Guard) said that the King had cast himself upon his father and brother Ireton, to make his terms for him, and restore him again: [Margin note: This was delivered by Lieut. Col. John Lilburne, and offered by him to be made good upon his life, at the Bar of the House of Commons.] And to that end, they frame expedients sutable to his Prerogative Principles, cunningly interweaving the same in their business called the Proposals for the selling a just and lasting Peace (as they called it) in the heads whereof were couched the several foundations of Regal Tyranny, seating the whole power and authority of this Nation, fundamentally in the Kings will, making the same supreme, or a law paramount, to all the determinations of Parliament: This is the unanimous voice of the 1, 2, and 3. particulars, under the first general Proposal, and the last is a seal to them all. But this expedient failing them, as to their exorbitant intents, they cast off those robes of Royalty with which they had rendred themselves acceptable with the King’s adherents, and laid aside the King and them, finding the way of an Agreement of the People to be much affected and endeavoured after among the Souldiery, they also invest themselves with that Robe, to hide their deformity from the Army; and the better to allay all motions after the same, they confess and acknowledge the excellency and goodness of the premisses, they only find the same unseasonable; and this was drest out in such taking Saint-like [8] language, as the religious people might best be surprised, not suspecting any venemous thing to be lurking under the leaf of their holy and sacred pretences: they call Fasts (a certain fore-runner of mischief with them) cry, and howl, and bedew their cheeks with the tears of hypocrsie and deceit, confess their iniquity and abomination in declining the cause of the people, and tampering with the King; and humbly, as in the presence of the all-seeing God, acknowledge the way of an Agreement of the People, to be the way to our Peace and Freedom; and even then, as soon as they had wiped their eys and their mouths, they proceed even to death, imprisonment or cashierment of all such in the Army as promoted or owned that Agreement; and to fan and cull all such Asserters of the Peoples Freedoms out of the Army, they proceed to disband 20. out of a Troup; by which the honest party of the Souldiery was very much weakned, and all the promoters of Freedom discouraged, and the people struck into desperation; which gave rise unto the second war amongst our selves, and invasion of the Scots: But the same by the great blessing of God being over, they finding the old affection of the Souldiers not yet quenched or much cooled, and great motions in the several Regiments after the Freedom of the Nation; they then formalize again, and to keep the honest party in suspense, and to wait upon their motions, and to cease from their own; and the better to make way to the ambitious intents of those Grandees, they then as a cloke, take up the way of an Agreement again, to present themselves amiable unto us; and a great pudder they make in their Councel about an Agreement, and one they brought forth, but such an one as was most abhorred by such as most fought after the way of an Agreement; so inconsistant it was with the true foundations of equal Freedom and Right; but by this means they so far prevailed over the most constant and faithful friends to the People, as to beget an acquiescence in them for a season, till they in the mean time so far effected their business, as to the introduction of an absolute platform of Tyranie, long since hatched by Ireton, for it was he who first offered that expedient of Government by way of a Councel of State, which was soon after the Armies engagement neer New-market-heath, and which ever since he hath kept in the vail, but now the vail is taken away, and it is now presented to the view of all men; But no sooner was this Monster born into the world, but it devours up half of the Parliament of England, and now it is about adorning it self with all Regal magnificence, and majesty of Courtly attendance, [9] &c. and like the 30. Tyrants of Athens, to head it self over the people: This is, and yet this is not our new intended King, there is a king to succeed, this is but his Vice-roy: O Cromwel! whither art thou aspiring? The word is already given out amongst their officers, That this Nation must have one prime Magistrate or Ruler over them, and that the General hath power to make a law to bind all the Commons of England: This was most daringly and desperately avowed at White-hall; and to this temper these Court-Officers are now a moulding, he that runs may read and fore-see the intent, a New Regality! And thus by their Machiavilian pretenses, and wicked practises, they are become masters and usurpers of the name of the Army, and of the name of the Parliament; under which Visors they have levell’d and destroyed all the Authority of this Nation: For the Parliament indeed and in truth is no Parliament, but a Representative Class of the Councel of War; and the Councel of War but the Representative of Cromwel, Ireton, and Harrison; and these are the all in all of this Nation, which under these guises and names of Parliament, Army, General Councel, High Court, and Councel of State, play all the strange pranks that are play’d.

Deer Countreymen and fellow-souldiers, you that by your adventerous hazards and bloud have purchased a precedency in your Native and just Rights; Consider and weigh these things in your hearts, for surely none are more deeply concerned than your selves, none are more highly infringed of their Rights than you; You are not so much as suffered (how oppress’d or abus’d your selves, how sensible of the miseries of the publike soever) to represent your desires or apprehensions to the Parliament; while you are souldiers, you (in their account) are no Free-men, neither have an equal right in the Common-wealth with other of your fellowmembers therein. The General now tells us, if we will petition, we must lay down our swords; these were his own words unto us. It seems he hath forgot the contest of the Army (in which he concurred) with Stapleton and Hollis about their right of Petitioning as Souldiers; Why then (if this must be their received maxime) did he and the General Councel (as by usurpation they call it) present their petition, since we presented ours, and not lay down their swords and their high places, and petition as private Commoners? We are confident it would be an happy day for England, would they but practise that doctrine they preach unto others; But alas deer friends, it is but in this case with them as in all others, they [10] condemned Stapleton and Hollis, because they were not the Stapletons and Hollis’s themselves; they condemned privat correspondencies with the King, because they were not the corresponders themselves; they condemned the force offered to the Parliament by the tumult of Apprentices, &c. because they were not the forcers themselves; they condemned that monstrous declaration of the Parliament against the Souldiers petitioning; they condemned the imprisoning petitioners, and burning petitions, because they were not the Declarers, Imprisoners, and Burners themselves: As who, that doth but consider their waies, may not plainly discern.

But to trace the foot-steps of those Foxes yet a little further, we shall discover their dealings with us. When they heard that the Soldiers were about a petition in behalf of themselves and the people for whom they had engaged, they thereat were highly offended and enraged, and desperate motions upon it were made in their Conventicle (by themselves stiled the General Councel) some moved for an Act of Parliament, that they might have power to try, judge, condemn, and punish all such, whether of the Army or not of the Army, as should disturb them (as they now call it) by petition to the Parl. or otherwise; and upon the modest reply of one, who desired that the execution of civil affairs, might be left to the Magistrate, Col. Huson answered, we have had tryal enough of Civil Courts, we can hang 20. before they will hang one, and in the Lobby at the Parl. dore, the said Huson breathing out bitter invectives against us Petitioners, who then were waiting at the dore for an answer to our petition, said thus openly, O that any of them (speaking of the Petitioners) durst come into my Regiment, they should never go out; we shall never be quiet till some of them be cut off for examples, and then the rest will be quash’d; there are 10. about this Town that better deserve to be hanged, than those Lords that are at their Tryal before the high Court. And now the Colonels, Lieut. Col. Maj. Capt. of this Gen. Councel, are now moulding up to that sweet temper, insomuch that about March 6. they concluded on the Act, it must now be death to petition, or for any Countryman to talk to us concerning ours and their Freedom: This enforceth us to put you in remembrance of their former words, for out of their own mouths they are judged.

In the Book of the Armies Declaration, pag. 17. we humbly represent in their and our behalfs, as followeth: 1. That whereas it pleased the Honourable Houses of Parliament, having received [11] information of a dangerous Petition in the Army, to declare and immediately to publish in print to the Kingdom, that that Petition did tend to put the Army in distemper and mutiny, to obstruct the relief of Ireland, and put conditions on the Parliament: And declaring the Petitioners if they shall continue in the promoting and advancing that Petition, shall be lookt upon, and proceeded against, as enemies to the State, and disturbers to the publick Peace.

We cannot chuse, but with sadnesse of Spirit be deeply sensible that so humble and innocent Addresse could beget so strange an Interpretation.

Yet now Stapleton and Hollis being removed, are not they in the same steps? do not they call the Humble and Innocent Addresses of the Souldiers to the Parliament, Disturbance to their proceedings, and to the Publick Peace? And do not they seek for worse than a Declaration, an Act of Parliament, to put to death for Petitioning? And even as Stapleton and Hollis would have divided and broken the Army, under the pretence of relief for Ireland, do not these men now do the like? it was formerly opposed and condemned by them, it is now their own expedient.

In the particular charge against the 11. Members, pag. 83. Article 5. That the said M. Hollis, Sr Philip Stapleton, and M. Glyn, have been and are obstructers and prejudices of several Petitioners to the Parliament, for redresse of publick grievances: And the said Mr Hollis, and Sr Philip Stapleton, in the moneth of May, last past, did abuse and affront divers Petitions, offering to draw their swords upon Major Tuleday, and others of the said Petitioners, causing Nicholas Tew to be imprisoned in Newgate, and to be detained a long time there, for no other cause, but for having a Petition about him, which was to be presented to the House: O how carefull were they then, of, the freedom of the People to Petition!

In the eighth Article, fol. 85. Hollis is charged with procuring of the foresaid Declaration against the Souldiers petitioning, as a thing to the great dishonour of the Parliament, to the insufferable injury, the just provocations, discouragement, and discontent of the Army, &c.

O Crumwell, O Ireton, how hath a little time and successe changed the honest shape of so many Officers! who then would have thought the Councel would have moved for an act to put men to death for Petitioning? who would have thought to have seen Souldiers (by their Order) to ride with their faces towards their Horse tailes, to have their Swords broken over their Heads, [12] and to be casheered, and that for Petitioning, and claiming their just right and title to the same? Such dealing as this was accounted in their Representation of Iune the 4. and 5. 1647. to be against the right both of a Souldier and a Subject. And in pag. 33. it thus saith, And if our liberty of Petitioning for our due be denyed us, and be rendred such a crime (as by the said Order and Declaration.) we cannot but look for the same, or worse, hereafter, not only to our selves, but to all the free-born People of the Land in the like case. And so this President (if it stand good) would extend in the consequence of it, to render all Souldiers under this Parliament the worst of slaves, and all Subjects little better. And though there hath been of late in other mens cases, too many dangerous presidents of suppressing Petitions, and punishing or censuring the Petitioners, &c.

Then they could say, (pag. 35.) Let every honest English man lay his hand on his heart, weigh our case, and make it his own, (as in consequence it is) and then judge for us and himself. But if we now lay our hands on our hearts, and weigh their present case, what may we say for them or our selves? we may forbear pronouncing the sentence they have said for themselves and us.

In the Declaration, Iune 14. 1647. fol. 44. We desire, that the right and freedom of the People, to represent to the Parliament by way of Petition, their grievances may be cleared and vindicated.

In the Remonstrance, June 23. 1647. fol. 58. They account the suppressing of Petitioning in the Army, an infringement of the Rights and Liberties, both of Souldiers and Subjects. And (fol. 60. of the same Declaration,) a putting the faithfull servants of the Parliament and Kingdom out of the protection of the Law. Divers other passages of moment out of their own Declarations, Remonstrances, &c. might be cited: but here is sufficient to condemne their violence against, and justifie the Souldiery in Petitioning.

Was there ever a generation of men so Apostate so false and so perjur’d as these? did ever men pretend an higher degree of Holinesse, Religion, and Zeal to God and their Country than these? these preach, these fast, these pray, these have nothing more frequent then the sentences of sacred Scripture, the Name of God and of Christ in their mouthes: You shall scarce speak to Crumwell about any thing, but he will lay his hand on his breast, elevate his eyes, and call God to record, he will weep, howl and repent, even while he doth smite you under the first rib. Captain Joyce [13] and Captain Vernam can tell you sufficient stories to that purpose.

Thus it is evident to the whole World, that the now present interest of the Officers is directly contrary to the interest of the Souldiery: there is no more difference betwixt them, than betwixt Christ and Belial, light and darknesse: if you will uphold the interest of the one, the other must down; and as well you may let them bore holes through your ears, and be their slaves for ever, for your better distinction from free men: for what are you now? your mouths are stopped, you may be abused and enslaved, but you may not complain, you may not Petition for redresse; they are your Lords, and you are their conquered vassals, and this is the state you are in: If a Souldier commit but a seeming fault, especially if by their tentred far fetcht consequences they can make it but reflect on their prerogative greatnesse: Oh to what an height that crime as they call it, is advanced? what aggravations and load is laid upon it? and if there be never an Article in their out-landish Mercinary Articles of Warre, that will touch them; yet they find one in their discretionary conclave, that will doe the businesse, for there must be no standing against the Officers; they must be impeached only by their Peers, the Souldier must not say Black is their eye; if they say the Crow is white, so must the Souldier; he must not lisp a sillable against their treacheries and abuses of the State, their false Musters, and cheating the Souldiery of their pay, though it be their constant and familiar practise: that Souldier that is so presumptuous as to dare to Article against an Officer, must be casheered: Quartermaster Harby was but the other day casheered, but for delivering in a Charge of Delinquency against Lieut. Col. Ashfield, for his perfideous confederacy with treacherous Lilburn, that betrayed Tinmouth Castle: and dayly honest men are casheered for complaining against their Officers: no interest must now stand in the Army, that is against the interest of the Officers, we must all bow to their Lordships, and lay down our necks under their feet, and count it our honour that they will but be pleased to tread upon us, but like worms we must not turn again, upon pain of death, or casheerment. This makes us call to mind the saying of Ireton to honest Major Cobbett of Snow hill, who for joyning with the Agents of the Army asked him, if he were not deluded in his understanding in joyning with the giddy headed Souldiers: and advised him not to run against the interest of himselfe and the Officers. And now we have plainly found what that interest was, it was long a forging, but is now brought forth: but [14] like a Viper, we hope it will gnaw out their own bowels.

But now dear friends, that you may see that their Conclave of Officers at White Hall hath suckt into it the venome of all former corrupt Courts, and interests that were before them, we shall shew you how the Court of the High Commission, the Star chamber, the House of Lords, the King and his Privy Councel are all alive in that Court, called the General Councel of the Army.

First if you do but remember, the King to his death stood upon this principle. That he was accomptable to none but God; that he was above the Parliament, and above the People. And now to whom will these be accomptable? to none on Earth. And are they not above the Parliament? they have even a Negative voice thereover: Formerly the Commons could passe nothing without the concurrence of the Lords, now they dare passe nothing without the concurrence of the Conclave of Officers: we were before ruled by King, Lords, and Commons; now by a General, a Court Martial, and House of Commons: and we pray you what is the difference? the Lords were not Members both of the House of Lords, and of the House of Commons, but those are Members both in the House of Officers, (the Martial Lords,) and in the House of Commons. The old Kings person, and the old Lords, are but removed, and a new King and new Lords, with the Commons, are in one House; and so under a more absolute arbitrary Monarchy than before. We have not the change of a Kingdom to a Common wealth; we are onely under the old cheat, the transmutation of Names, but with the addition of New Tyrannies to the old: for the casting out of one unclean Spirit they have brought with them in his stead seven other unclean Spirits, more wicked than the former, and they have entered in, and dwell there; and the last state of this Common wealth, is worse than the first.

Now as for their High Commission and Star-chamber practises, if you will be pleased to view over an Epitomy of our several Examinations before them; you may have a perfect Embleme of those Courts before your eyes; and to that end (and not out of any vain-glorious folly,) we have subjoyned an Abstract of their Interrogatives, with our Answers; together with their Sentence they passed upon us. But first we desire you to take notice, that the matter which they made the occasion of advantage to proceed against us, was a Paper which we delivered to the General, a Copy whereof (lest you should not have seen it) we herewith present you: and then we shall proceed to our Examinations.

[15]

To his Excellency Tho. Lord Fairfax, and his Councel of Officers.

May it please your Excellencie, and your Councel of Officers,

We have lately made our humble addresse unto the peoples Representors in Parliament, concerning some relief to our selves and the Commonwealth, by way of Petition, the meanest and lowest degree of an English mans Freedome that we know of, and yet the same (to our astonishment) hath much distasted and imbittered divers of our Superiour Officers (in this Councel convening) against us, as we perceive, and that even unto death.

We therefore being willing to avoid all occasion of offence and division, and to cleare our selves from all imputations thereof, that in Justice and Reason may be conceived against us, desire, that you would be pleased to consider, that we are English Souldiers engaged for the Freedoms of England; and not outlandish mercenaries, to butcher the people for pay, to serve the pernitious ends of ambition and will in any person under Heaven. That we do not imagine our selves absolved from the solemn Engagement at Newmarket Heath, but to be still obliged before God and the whole world to pursue the just ends of the same; and you may remember your many promises and Declarations to the people upon that accompt, which like the blood of Abel cries for justice upon the perfidious infringers and perverters thereof in this Army. You may further remember, that it hath been a principle by you asserted and avowed, that our being Souldiers hath not deprived us of our Right as Commoners, and to Petition the people in Parliament, we do account in the number of our Birthrights; and you may remember that in the time of the domination of Stapleton & Hollis, you complained against their then endeavour to suppresse the liberty of the Souldiers to petition, as an insufferable infringement of the right of the Army and people; and we hope you did not then condemn it in them, to justifie it in your selves: when the power was theirs, it was then condemned; but now it is yours, how comes it to be justified? In the point of Petitioning, we expected your encouragement, and not to have manacles and fetters laid upon it: it is not the bare name or shadow thereof will satisfie us, while we are gull’d of the essence of it self; [18] it is a perfect freedome therein we desire, not therein to be subjected under the Gradual Negative voices of a Captain, a Colonel, your Excllency, or this Councel, to passe the test from one Negative voice to another for its approvement, we account as the most vexatious Labyrinth of thraldom that in this point can be devised, worse then all the opposition and infringements of Stapleton and Hollis; we had rather that in plain terms you would deny us our right of petitioning, and pronounce and proclaim us absolute Slaves and Vassals to our Officers, then secretly to rob us of the right it self. God hath in some measure opened our eyes, that we can see and perceive; and we desire plain dealing, and not to be met half-way with smooth Expedients, and Mediums facing both wayes, with specious and fair pretences, to overtake our sudden apprehensions, and unawares steal upon us, and so be defeated, as too often we have been, to the woe and misery of the people, and of us: but The burnt child dreads the fire.

[19]

Further we desire you to consider. That the strength, the honour and being of the Officer, yea and of this Councel (under God) doth consist in the Arme of the Souldier. Is it not the Souldier that endureth the heat and burden of the day, and performeth that work whereof the Officers beareth the glory and name? For what is, or what can the Officer do without the Souldier? If nothing, why are they not ashamed to deny us our right to petition?

We have long waited in silence, even while we could perceive any hopes of any reall redresse from them. But now finding the Military power in an absolute usurpation of the Civill Jurisdiction, in the place of the Magistrate executing that authority, by which the sword of the Magistrate, and the sword of war is incroached into the self same hands under one Military head, which we disclaim and abhorre, as not having any hand or assent therein at all. And we find a strange and unexpected constitution of a Councell of State, Such as neither we or our fore fathers were ever acquainted with, intrusted with little lesse then an unlimited power, & with the whole force both of Sea and Land, into which is combined the most pernitious interests of our rotten State, Lords, Lawyers, Star-Chamber Judges, and dissenters from the proceedings against the King, And which hath already swallowed up half our Parliament, and we fear to be an expedient to cut off our Parliaments, for ever; for if this Councel of State survive the Parliament, how shall we obtain a new Representative, if the Parliament sit but till a new one be ready to take their places, farwell Parliaments farwell Freedoms.

Further we find, the just and legall way of triall by twelve men of the neighbourhood in criminall cases, utterly subverted in this new constitution of an High Court, a President for ought we know, to frame all the Courts of England by, and to which our selves may be as well subjected as our enemies. And considering not one oppression is removed, not one vexation in the Law abated, or one punctillio of freedom restored, or any fair hopes at all appearing, but oppression heaped upon the back of oppression, double cruelty upon cruelty, we therefore from those many considerations, betook our selves as English men to make our address unto the Parliament, as the proper refuge and authority of the people for our and their addresse, in which by birth we challenge a right, as also by the price and purchase of our hazard and blood; and our Civill Rights we cannot yeeld up, we shall first rather yeeld up our lives.

And thus after the weak measure of our understandings, we judge we have given a rationall and full accompt of the occasion and reason of our Petitioning, and we hope satisfactory to your Excellency and this Councell, humbly praying that you will make a charitable and fair construction thereon.

And we further desire, that you will take speciall notice of the serious Apprehension of a part of the people in behalf of the Common wealth, presented to the House by Lievt. Col. John Lilburn, & divers other Citizens of London, and the Burrough of Southwarke, Feb. 26. now published in print. To the which with due thankfulnesse to those our faithful friends the promoters and presenters thereof, we do freely and cheerefully concur, to stand or fall in the just prosecution thereof, as the most absolute medium to our peace and freedom that hath been produced, and we hope it will produce an happy effect upon this Councell, to prevent the otherwise inavoidable dissolation and devision that will ensue upon us all, which to prevent, shall be the faithfull endeavours of.

Sir,

March 1. 1648.

Your Excellencies most humble
45. Servants and Soulders,

Robert Ward. Symon Grant.
47. Thomas Watson. George Jelles.
48. William Sawyer.

[20]

The Examination and Answers of ROBERT WARD, before the Court Martiall, March 3. 1648.

1. Being call’d in before the Court, the President demanded of him whether he owned the Letter, or no: he answered, Yea; and did admire he should be committed to prison for delivering his judgment to them.

2. They asked him where the said Letter was written, and who was present at the writing thereof: He answered, he thought that Court had abominated the Spanish Inquisition, and Star-chamber practice, in examining him upon Interrogatories, contrary to their own Declarations; and he would rather lose his life, then betray his Libertie.

3. They told him, he had not wit sufficient to compose such a Letter: He answered. The Letter he did own; and as for worldly wisdom, he had not much; but he told the Court, he hoped he had so much honesty as would bear him out in this action; and desired them to remember what Paul spake, how that God did chuse the foolish things of the world to confound the mighty.

4. They said, That notwithstanding what he might think of himself touching honesty, they would not be afraid to proceed in Judgment against him: To which he answered, they might do what they pleased, for he was in their hands, and they might take away his life if they would: but he assured they would bring innocent bloud upon their own heads. They answered, They did not much passe what he did say.

5. They did ask why they did print the Letter: To which hee answered, That he had been in prison, and it was impossible he or they should print in prison.

6. They asked how he proved the Civill and Military sword to be both in one hand. To which he answered. That some that sate in Councel with them, did likewise sit in the Parliament and Councell of State, contrary to what they had propounded to the People in their Agreement.

7. They asked what he had to say concerning the Councel of State. He answered, They did consist of corrupt persons; viz. Starchamber Judges, corrupt Lords, dissenters from the Proceedings against the late King, and of taking away the House of Lords: and trusted with [21] little lesse then an unlimited power: now considering the persons, he told them, it seem’d to him very dangerous.

8. They asked him what he had to say concerning the subversion of our Liberties by the High Court of Justice. He answered: that it was a President (for ought he knew) to frame all the Courts in England by; considering that the lesser doth conform it self to the greater, and to which himself might be brought to tryall as well as others and so deprived of all liberty of exception against Triers.

9. They asked what he said concerning that clause, That no oppression was removed; the King and House of Lords being taken away, the chief cause of all oppression. To which he answered, That it was not the taking away of the King and House of Lords that made us free from oppression; for it was as good for him to suffer under the King, as under the keepers of the Liberties of England; both maintaining one and the same thing; viz. the corrupt administrations in the Law, treble dammage for Tythes, persecution for matter of Conscience, and oppression of the poor.

10. They asked what he thought of the serious apprehension of part of the People, in behalf of themselves and the Commonwealth, delivered to the Parliament by Lieutenant Col. John Lilburn and divers others: To which he being about to answer, they put him forth with confidence that he did own it.

After this they were all committed to prison again: and after three hours call’d again before the Court, and there Sentence read; at which time he told the Court, That they might as well take away his coat as his sword, it being his own proper goods, and never drew it against any but the Nations declared Enemies: and he did appeal from them, to a just God, before whom both they and he should one day appear to give an account of their actions: For the speaking of which, they told him, that by the Articles of War he did deserve death. He told them, it was more than he knew; and so was carried again to prison. And for this deportment, the Marshal General told him he had no more breeding then a Pig.

The Examination and Answers of Simon Grant.

The President asked him whether he did own the Letter: He answered, he did. Then they asked him when he saw the Letter: He told them, before he came to the Generall. They demanded, [23] how long before: Hee told them, two hours. They asked, when, and at what house, and where he did see it first? But apprehending they had not wherewithall to condemn him, but High Commission like sought an advantage out of his mouth, he replyed, if they had any thing against him as matter of Charge, he desired that they would draw it up against him, and if they would give him time, he would answer it. Yes (said Colonel Baxter) and then he that wrote the Letter, would write the Answer. To which he replyed, It was his pleasure to say so. Then the Judge Advocate asked him, whether he did apprehend the Martiall Sword and the Magisteriall Sword were encroached into one another. He answered, he did apprehend it was so; because he did see daily, that many Souldiers did go about to draw and pull men out of their houses, as well as the Civill Magistrate, yea and more. Then he was asked whether he did own all the Letter: He answered, he did own it all. They told him, there were many lyes in it; and asked whether he did own them. But he replyed, that (as he conceived) there was none: he had set his hand to it, and would own it. Many more such like catchizing Interrogatories they put to him; but as frivolous as these.

The Examination and Answers of Tho. Watson.

The President first demanded of him, whether he did own the Letter: He answered, he did own it. Then Col. Huson standing in the Court, told him, he had proclaimed open Wars against the Generall and the Councell. He answered, that Colonel Huson had past sentence upon him, it was in vain for him to say any thing. One of them replyed, that he knew not the practice of the Court. He answered, that they had no reason to accuse or condemn him for declaring his mind in reference to his Freedom, because they had declared in their own declarations, that in such things a man might write and speak his own mind freely. Nevertheless (he told them) if they had a Charge against him, and would produce it, he would answer it, if they would give him time; although they were not capable to judge him, because they declared he had abused the General and the Councel: and he had never heard, that they who were the Accusers, ought also to be the Judges.

Colonel Baxter asked him, Who wrote the Letter. He answered [23] He came not to accuse himself or friends. Then he asked where it was written, and in whose house? He answered, In London. Baxter asked, why he gave orders to have it printed so quickly? He replied, How can you prove that? Then the Judge Advocate told him, it would have been better for him if he had confest, he had found more mercy from the Court, for his obstinacie would gain him nothing. To whom he replied, They had a limited power, and could do nothing but what God permitted them, and they must once appear before a righteous Judge: but as for their Censure, he valued it not. So he was remanded back to prison.

The Examination and Answers of George Jelles.

They demanded if he would own the Letter? He answered, he would, his hand was to it. They asked if he did write it? He answered, he did own it; and desired to know whether they would judge him in matters relating to the freedom of the Commonwealth by their Martial Law? They told him they would, being a Souldier. To which he replied, He was also Commoner of England: but if by their Martial Law he must be judged, he desired to know by what Article, in regard he had broken none? It was answered, upon the Article for Mutinie; and it was death. He replied, he had made no disturbance in the Army; and told them, that in the time of the predominance of Stapleton and Hollis, they then declared the Souldiery might petition the Parliament; but now the power was in their hands, the Souldiery had lost the Liberty thereof; and so desired God and the whole world might be Judge betwixt them. And upon his desiring of them to know whether they had seen the Agreement or no, they answered they had. He replied, it was therein concluded, that the Military sword & the Civil sword should not be encroached under one head. They answered, it was so, but that was left to the next Parliament to alter. But we wish they would tell us when that shall be; it is to be feared, it is never intended; for it is scarce imaginable they will ever venture the test of a new Representative, except they keep it under the sword, as they do this: let us have but a free successive Parliament, and wee’ll run the hazard of it.

Thus he that considereth their catching questions, and but remembreth the High-Commission and Star-Chamber proceedings shall find no difference betwixt these Courts, but in name. Wherefore all [24] English Souldiers or Commoners, that have the least spark of true love to themselves and their Countries freedom, are bound now or never, to unite them selves against those Apostates, those Jesuites and Traitors to the people: Those are the Levellers indeed; for what have they not levelled? There is no trust or confidence ever any more to be had in them: for they have broken their faith with all parties, by which they have advanced themselves to this height of dominion into which they are intruded; and now they reigne as Kings, and sit upon the Throne of their Predecessor, whom they removed, to take succession over the people.

And now we shall give you a Copy of their Sentence they passed upon us, the which Baxter being President (as they call it) pronounced as followeth.

Gentlemen; for so I think I may without offence call you, for as yet you are Souldiers, but truly you are not long to continue so: For you are guilty of high crimes, as your Letter here by you owned doth manifest, being scandalous to the Parliament, Counsel of State, High Court of Justice, and tending to breed mutinie in the Army, for which you have in an high measure deserved death; but through the great mercie of the Court that is waved, and truly they have waved the Sentence again and again, and now they are come as low as possibly they can: and it being late, I shall declare unto you your severall Sentences, which are as followeth.

You shall ride with your faces towards the Horse-tailes, before the heads of your severall Regiments, with your faults written upon your breasts, and your swords broken over your heads, and so be cashiered the Army as not worthy to ride therein; & a Proclamation to be made, that none shall receive you into any Troop, Company, or Garison. And this I would have you look upon as a great mercy of the Court.

Which sentence was accordingly executed upon us, in the Great Palace-yard at Westminster, March 6.

Thus you may see to what passe we are brought. What they have done to us, in the consequence thereof it doth extend equally to you all; for what they have done to us to day, you are liable to suffer to morrow. Thus you may see, they are Wolves in Sheeps clothing, Foxes in the habit of Saints; and their foosteps are in some measure traced and laid open unto you, from their beginning of engageing [25] with the Army to their present Residence in White-Hall: So that from hence we may safely conclude with the saying of Col. Disborrough to Mr. Bull: that they did not intend to keep the Engagement, but provided the Acquiessing businesse at Ware on purpose to make void their engagement, we shall say no more at present, only add a coppy of a petition to the Parliament on which the Soldiers of the Army are proceeding.

To the Supreme Authority of the Nation, The Commons affembled in Parliament: The humble Petition of the Souldiery under the Conduct of THO. Lord FAIRFAX.

Sheweth,

That we esteem the liberty of addresse by way of Petition to this Honourable House, a prime and most essentiall part of Freedom, and of right belonging to the meanest member of this Common-wealth.

That we humbly conceive our being Souldiers to be so far from depriving us of our share in this Freedom, as that it ought rather to be a confirmation thereof to us; we having with our utmost hazard of our lives been instrumentall in preserving the same.

That the power of the Officers doth onely extend to the Marshalling and disciplining of the Army, for the better management and execution of marshall Affairs, and that we submitting thereunto, do perform the utmost of obedience that can be required of us as Souldiers. All which notwithstanding, as we are in the capacity of Common-wealths men, we judge our selves as free as any other of the People, or as our Officers themselves, to represent by way of Petition, to this Honourable House, either our Grievances, Informations, or whatsoever else may tend either to the Right of our selves, [26] or the benefit of the Common-wealth. And this is no more then what our Officers themselves have declared to be our Right, and without which we should be our selves the worst of slaves.

That the extraordinary actings of the Army, distinctly of themselves, in reference to the Common-wealth, are grounded upon our solemn Engagement at Newmarket and Triploe Heath, June 14. 1647.

That the Souldiery by that Engagement hath an equall Right and Propriety in and to the Transactions of the Army as Commoners.

That the Officers in matters of that concernment are not (without a free election and consent) the Representers of the Souldiers, as Commoners; but are onely their Conductors in Military matters.

That by vertue of our solemn Engagement, nothing done or to be done, though in the name of the Army, can be taken as the sense or the act of the Army, so as to be imputed to the Army, that is not agreed unto by a Councell to consist of those generall Officers who concur with the Engagement, with two Commission Officers, and two Souldiers to be chosen for each Regiment; or by the major part of such a Councell.

That if your Honors conceive it meet in your actings to concur with the actings of the Army, then it is necessary that with the sense of the Officers you also require the sense of the Souldiers, else not to account of it, or trust to it as the sense of the Army; and without this, we conceive, you cannot be safe, for it is small security, as to the act or faith of the Army, to receive the sense of the Officers, without the concurrence of the Souldiers in Councel, as aforesaid.

That being ejected and deprived of our Right and property in that Councell, we still conceive our selves at freedom to Petition this House; but yet in the late exercise thereof (amongst some of us) we have been very much abused and menaced; and Orders thereupon made by the Generall-Councell, to interrupt our free access to this honorable House, subjecting our petitions for approvement, to pass the Test from Officer to Officer, by which the sense and understanding of the Souldier is surprised and overawed to the pleasure of the Officer, that he must neither hear, see, nor speak but by the eyes, ears and mouth of the Officer; so that the Souldiers right of petitioning is hereby taken from them; for to Petition [27] in that case, can be at most but the bare sence of a few Officers; inconsiderable in comparison of the Souldiery, and so not the minde of the Army, for the Officers disjunct, make not the Army.

That to our great grief we are inforced to complain to this honorable House, that some of us, to wit, Simon Grant, Robert Ward, Thomas Watson, William Sawyer and George Jelles were sentenced by the Court Martiall, to ride with their faces towards their Horse tails; to have their Swords broken over their heads, and to be cashiered the Army, as unworthy therein to bear any Arms, counting it as a mercy of that Court, that their lives were spared; the which sentence was accordingly executed upon them in the great Palace-yard at Westminster, March the sixth: and all was but for petitioning this House, and delivering a paper of account of that action to the Generall-Councell, which is ready, if call’d for to be produced. The consideration whereof doth exceedingly agrieve us, to think that we should in vain undergo our former hardships, that in stead of addition to our Freedoms, we should in this opprobrious manner be rendred the worst of slaves, for we take it as done to our selves: and that to be deprived of our Rights both as Souldiers and English-men, as unworthy to petition or bear Arms, and that by such as are such glorious pretenders to Freedom, is a matter of amazement to us, considering the Crime (as they call it) was no other then above-mentioned.

Wherefore from these weighty Considerations we are enforced to apply our selves again unto this honourable House, and to desire,

First, That as heretofore and according to Right we may be as free to petition this Honorable House, as other our fellow-members in the Commonwealth, and that we may with free and uninterrupted accesse approach with our Petitions (though by enforcement) without our Officers, as the Officers have done in declining of us; and that for our clear satisfaction you would declare unto us, that it is the undoubted freedome of the Souldiery to Petition the Parliament, either singly of themselves, or joyntly with their Officers, or with any other well-affected of the Nation whatsoever, otherwise we cannot but look upon our selves as vassals and mercenaries, bound up by the pleasure and understandings of other men.

[28]

2. That the power of the Officers and present Councel of the Army may extend only to the Marshalling and Disciplinating thereof; and that in matters which concern the Common-wealth, we may not be concluded by these Debates, or any thing of that nature taken as the Judgment of the whole Army, but of the Subscribers only, unlesse we shall personally or deputatively give our approbation and consent thereunto.

3. That you would require a revocation of their Order prohibiting us from Petitioning, but by our Officers.

4. That our forenamed fellow-Souldiers, by Order of this Honourable House, may berestored to their former places in their respective Regiments.

5. That according to our solemn Engagement, we may not be divided nor disbanded either in part or in whole, or any of us engaged for Ireland, or any service whatsoever, untill full satisfaction and security be given us in relation to our Rights both as Souldiers and Commoners, that we our selves, when in the condition of private men, and all other the free people of England, may not be subject to the like oppression and tyrannie as hath been put upon us.

6. That the desires of our former Petition which in most particulars hath been shadowed forth by a Petition of the Officers, as also the serious Apprehensions of a part of the people, in behalf of the Commonwealth, presented to this House Feb. 26 by Lieut. Colonell Io. Lilburn, may be speedily taken into consideration, and effectually accomplished, that so we may be more and more encouraged to venture our lives in the protection and defence of so good and just Authority.

And your Petitioners shall pray, &c.

FINIS

[1]

IT IS wel known, and yet fresh in the publike memory, with what monstrous and hateful defamations, as Anti-Scripturists, Libertines, Atheists, Mutiniers, Levellers, &c. we have most falsly and maliciously been deciphered out to the people and Army, on purpose to bury us under the rage and odium of our fellow-souldiers; and utterly to blast, and prejudice the common acceptance, against our late, lawful, and consciencious Undertaking: And seeing the equity of all transactions is most commonly measured by the event, and success that befals them; few considering [2] how God many times suffereth unjust men to prosper, and spred themselves in the world, like the Green Bay Tree; and the just (for their correction and proof) to be subdued and trod under foot for a season. We are thereby at so great a seeming disadvantage amongst men, That in every thing we are fore-spoken, our truths (how palpable and evident soever) are rendred as incredible, and regardless, strength and power being on their side to countenance their actions, our enemies over awing all judgments, and forcing by the might of their lawless Sword, a credit or subjection to their own most perfidious and deceitful ways; so that, as for the fruit or success that we expect, we could still have sat in patience, and not have uttered a word, but the dishonest and treacherous dealings received, with the woful ruine of the Nation, therewith sustained in ours (evidently appearing) do so boyl at our hearts, and so prevalently press upon our consciences, that we are not able longer to rest in silence; but let the hazard to us be what it will, we shall so far presume upon the publike view, as faithfully and impartially, to set down the true state and maner of our whole proceedings in that our late undertaking, hitherto most falsly and deceitfully represented by the ruling Faction of the Army, and so leave the same to the judgment and timely consideration of all honest and consciencious people, especially of the Army, our fellow-souldiers, under the conduct of the Lord Fairfax, and amongst them in a special maner, all those that really in judgment and conscience, took up Arms for the Rights and Liberties of their Native Country, as the whole Army in their Declaration of the 14 of June, 1647. declare they all did. Thus then understanding, that we the Souldiers of Col. Scroops Regiment, and others, were allotted for the service of Ireland, without our consent; or of any of our fellow-souldiers in Counsel for us, we fell into serious debate (as in reason and honesty we could do no less, considering likewise our late solemn Engagement), whether we could lawfully, in safety to ourselves, and our own Native Rights in England, submit unto that forraign Service, or no? And finding by that our old solemn Engagement at New Market, and Triplo Heaths, June 5. 1647. with the manifold Declarations, Promises, and Protestations of the Army, in pursuance thereof, were all utterly declined, and most perfidiously broken, and the whole fabrick of the Common-wealth faln into the grossest and vilest Tyranny that ever English men groaned under; all their Laws, Rights, Lives, Liberties and Properties, wholly subdued (under the vizard and form of that Engagement) to the Boundless wills of some deceitful persons, having devolved the whole Magistracy of England into their Martial Domination, ruling the people with a Rod of Iron, as most mens woful experience can clearly witness; which, with the consideration of the particular, most insufferable abuses and dissatisfactions put upon us, moved us to an unanimous refusal to go, till our Conscience were discharged in the faithful fulfilment of our said Solemn Engagement to our Native Country; in which Engagement, we were expressly and particularly obliged against the service of Ireland, till full satisfaction and security were given to us, as Souldiers and Commoners, by a Councel of our own free Election, according to the rule and tenor of that Engagement, recorded in the Armies Book of Declarations pag. 23, 24, 15, 26, 27. Whereupon we drew up a Paper of some Reasons, by way of Declaration, concerning our said refusal, to deliver to our Colonel; unto which we all chearfully subscribed, with many of our Officers (especially Cornet Den, who then seemingly was extream forward in assisting us to effect our desires) which being delivered a day or two after, immediately our Officers caused a Rendezvous near unto Salisbury, where they declared, That the General intended not to force us, but that we might either go or stay; and so testifying our intents to stay, we were all [3] drawn into the Town again, and the Colonell, with the rest of the Officers, full of discontent, threatened us the Souldiers; and because we were all, or most of one minde, he termed our Unity a Combination, or Mutiny; yet himself upon our request to know, told us, That he could not assure us, that he would go. Which fore-mentioned Paper, with a Letter, we sent to Commissary General Iretons Regiment, who took it so well, That they were immediately upon their march towards our quarters, to joyn with us, for the making good of their and our Engagement, which we, they, and the rest of the Army had engaged at New-Market and Triplo Heaths.

After this, all politike means that could be thought upon, Were put in practice to work us off from our Resolutions, as severing the Troops, and dealing with them apart, not suffering the Souldiers of one Troop to come to any of the other, employing Agents and Preaching Officers from Troop to Troop, to work us to that Service; and craftily, and lyingly, telling each Troop, That the other Troops were listed for the Irish Service, surrupticiously to overreach, and gain us by that deceit. A crime they most maliciously fix upon others, whom they would make the world believe drew us to that undertaking, as in their Declaration of their proceedings against us, published last May 22. is to be seen, where page 6. speaking scandalously of some persons, naming none, yet strongly implying our four worthy Friends in the Tower, they say of them, That they sent their Emissaries and Agents into all parts, pretending from one Regiment to another, that each Regiment had declared, That so by that Artifice, they might draw each to declare. To the Forces in Wales, and the west, they gave assurances, that the forces about London would revolt; to those about London, that those in Wales, and the west, would do the same. Thus to shroud their own vileness, and to effect their own evil ends, they are not sparing to blast innocent persons with their own wicked devices themselves are so apparently and foully guilty of; and yet wipe their mouths, as if no speck or stain were upon them, and raise the report upon others.

All those devices working nothing upon us (there being no satisfaction given to our just exceptions) our Colonel fell to violent threats, and commanded us to put our Horses in a Field two miles from our Quarters; which though at first we did, yet finding the bitterness of his spirit to encrease, and that upon his information, That the General, and Lieutenant General were preparing a force against us: what could we do less, then put our selves into the best posture we could to preserve our selves, which we immediately did (and in this no man was more forward, and violently earnest, then that perfidious Apostate, Cornet Den.) And for our justification therein, we need go no further then their own words in the Armies Declaration of the 14 of June, 1647. where to justifie their own opposition and rebellion to the Orders of a full, free, unforced, unravished and [Editor: illegible word] purged Parliament, they tell us, That the Parliament hath declared it no resisting of Magistracy, to side with the just principles, and Law of Nature and Nations, being that Law upon which the Army assisted; and that the Souldiers may lawfully hold the hands of the General that will turn his Cannon against his Army, on purpose to destroy them.

This being done, we had further Intelligence of the greatness and speediness of the Generals preparations against us, and that, (1) Though none act more directly against the tenor thereof then themselves, as is too manifest by their frequent breaking of all Faith, and Premises, making nothing of Treachery, dissembling, yea, and lying too (which is not once to be mentioned amongst Saints, as they would have men think of them.) O abominable Hypocrites I know ye not, that dissembling Piety is double Iniquity; but we fear, while ye pretend to Scripture, ye believe neither it;, nor the Resurrection: For if ye did, ye would not condemn the Innocent, against Knowledg and Conscience, of those things your selves are guilty. Repent betimes, or else your portion will be with Hypocrites. Though what we had done, did not amount to so much, as the Army had formerly done at Saffron Walden, upon the Parliaments commanding them for Ireland, yet were we strangely represented to our fellow Souldiers, by the Lieutenant General in Hide Park, under the notion of Mutiniers, Levellers, and denyers of the Scriptures, of purpose to make them engage [4] against us; (1) so that now we saw, there was no way of safety left us, but by standing upon our Guard, and capitulating with our Sword in our hands, being encouraged thereto, as well by our own innocency, and the equity of those things, upon which we had grounded our Resolutions: As also for that we could not think our fellow Souldiers of the Army, who with us engaged at New-Market Heath, would fight against us, for upholding the said solemn Engagement, wherein they were equally concerned and obliged with us, both as Souldiers and Commoners to each other, to us, and the whole Nation, with whom it was made. But indeed, this Treacherous Tragedy was principally managed and acted by (that Turn Coat) Reynolds, and his Regiment; who for the most of them were strangers to that Engagement. A Company of Blood-thirsty Rogues, Murderers, Theeves, High-way-men, and some that were taken in Colchester, and such as were cashiered out of other Regiments, for high misdemeanors, being entertained therein. And these were the men principally designed, and to be trusted against us, as most fittest to fight for the truth of the Scriptures, and such Saints as the Lieutenant General. (2) (2) These are of the men that usually asperce the Peoples best Friends with such Language as Atheists, Levellers, Anti-Scripturists, and who lives more like such, then they? for it is they who ruine all, and destroy Propriety, by their Arbitrary and Lawless Power; and who more like Jesuites then themselves for crafty Policy, Lying, and Treachery? and certainly these be the effects, or fruits of Atheism: For by their works you shall know them.

But to return. Hereupon our Officers leaving us, we choose new ones, and disposed of our Colours, and immediately drew up a Declaration, wherein we signified the Resolutions of the General (upon our refusal to go for Ireland) in a slight and unworthy maner to disband us, after our so many yeers hard and faithful Services; which we then knew to have been practised upon many of our fellow Souldiers in Colonel Huesons, and Cooks Regiments; and thereupon, we resolved to stand to our former Engagements made at New-Market; which the proceedings of the General and our Officers, did expressly contradict and make voyd. This Declaration was publikely read at our Rendezvous in old Sarum, where four Troops of Commissaric General Iretons met us, and unanimously assented to by both Regiments: whereupon our conjunction we advanced to Marlborough, and so to Wantage, where Commissioners from the General met us, to wit. Major White, Captain Scotten, Captain Peverill, and Captain Lieutenant Baily, with whom that day we did nothing, but agreed to meet at Stamford Green, the next morning by eight of the Clock, where we were all according to appointment, but the Commissioners not coming, we marched out of the field, on our way towards Abbington; and as we were upon our march the Commissioners came posting after us, and we presently made a Hault; then they overtaking us, and told us, They had Order from the General, and Lieutenant General, to heare our Desires, and endevor the Composure of our Differences; then they read a Letter unto us from the General, which took but little effect upon our Spirits; and so marching a little [5] further, two of Col. Harrisons Troops, to wit, Cap. Pecks and Captain Winthrops were marching to their Quarters, where Cornet Den and divers others met them, And read a Declaration to them, and used many glorious invitations of them to desire them to come and joyn with us, making appeare the lawfulnesse of our cause, telling them that we were resolved to stand to our first principles, and that if there were but ten men that would stand for those just things, he would make the eleventh, with divers such like expressions, the two Troops being very willing to be satisfied in the lawfulnesse of the engagement, telling us they were marching to Thame, and the next morning we should know their resolutions: But as we were marching back againe, before we were half out of the field, we spied a partie of horse, which it seemed was the Apostate Reynolds with his mercenary damme crew (such as in our hearing most desperately swore, That if the Devil would come from hell and give them a groat a day more then the State, they would fight for him against the Levellers or any others) well, upon, this we drew out a Forlorne hope, and thereupon two Troops of Colonel Harrisons marched with us towards them; they retreated towards New-bridge and kept it by force against us, but we unwilling to shed blood, or to be the original occasion of a new war (though they have often branded us with it as if we wholy fought it) but our actions did then cleerly manifest the contrary; for we seeing Souldiers, coming in a Hostile manner against us as aforesaid, did meet them, having forty or fifty of them at our mercy, and could have destroyed them, for we had them two miles from the foresaid bridg, but we did not then in the least offer them any violence or deminish a hair of their heads, but let them go to their body againe, and withall marched to a Ford, because we would not in the least be an occasion of any blood-shed; and having marched through the Ford into the Marsh on the other side, we called our Councel together, who referred the appointment of our quarters to Lieut. Ray, and Cornet Den, who designed us for Burford, where being in the Treatie with the Commissioners, and having intelligence, that the General and Lt. Generall were upon their march towards us, many of us severall times, urged to Major White, and prest upon him, that he came to betray us, to which he replyed, That the Generall and Lieutenant Generall had engaged their Honours not to engage against us in any Hostile manner till they had received our Answer, no not so much as to follow their Messengers or Commissioners with force, and being too credulous to the Generals words, knowing that he never broak ingagement with the Cavaleers in that kind; We gave the more credit to the Major, who seemed extream forward and hastie to make the Composure, pretending so far to approve of our standing for the things contained in our engagement at Triplo-Heath, that himself with our consents drew up a Paper in Answer to the Generall for us, so fully according to our desires as that it gave us satisfaction, so that the Agreement betwixt the Generals Commissioners and us, seemed to be even concluded and at an end; And for full satisfaction take Copie of the said Letter which is as followeth:

May it please your Excellency,

Wee are your Excellencies Souldiers, who have engaged our lives under your Excellencies conduct, through all difficulties and hazards in order to the procurement of Freedom Safety and Peace to this Nation, and our selves [6] as Members thereof, and being lately designed by lot to be divided, and sent over into Ireland for the prosecution of that service, in order to the Peace and safety of this Common-wealth, which we think necessary to be performed, but looking back to take a view of our former proceeding, we finde that we cannot in conscience to ourselves, in duty to God, this Nation, and the rest of our fellow souldiers undertake that service, but by such a decision as is Agreeable to our solemn Engagement made at New-market Heath, the 5 of June 1647. where we did in the presence of God, with one consent solemnly engage one to another, not to disband nor divide, nor suffer our selves to be disbanded nor divided, Untill satisfaction and security was received by the judgment of a counsell consisting of two Officers and two Souldiers together with the Generall Officers that did concur, such satisfaction and security as that engagement refers unto; And being now departed from our obedience to you because you keep not Covenant with us: yet we shall not in the least harber any evill thought or prejudice against you, nor use any act of hostility, unlesse necessitated thereunto in our own defence, which we desire God to prevent; All that we desire (and we speak it in the presence of God, who knowes our hearts) is, that your Excellency will call a Generall Councell according to the solemn Engagement. In the judgment whereof we will acquicsse, and refer ourselves to them to take an account of our late actions. This being assured we will every man with cheerfulnesse returne to our obedience, and submit to your Excellency and the judgment of that Councell in all matters that concern us as Souldiers, or Members of this Common-wealth; this we beg of your Excellency to grant, out of the respect of your duty to God, this Nation, and the Army, that we may therby retain our peace with him and procure the happinesse of this Nation under him, which is the desire of our soules: If you shall deny us this, we must lay at your door all the Misery, Bloodshed and Ruine that will fall upon this Nation and Army; for we are resolved as one man by Gods assistance to stand in this Just desire, and although our bodies perish, yet we shall keep our consciences cleer, and we are confident our soules will be at peace; now till we have a full determination herein, we desire your Excellency will forbear all manner of hostility, or marching towards us for avoyding any inconveniencies that may come to our selves or the Country; these desires with affection being granted, we hope the falling out of friends will be the renewing of love, And we shall subscribe and manifest our selves your Excellencies faithfull Souldiers, and servants to this Common-wealth.

But to returne, during the time of treaty, white the Commissioners thus assured us all security, one of them, to wit, Captain Scotten privately slipt from us, and two others, to wit, Captain Bayley and Peverill left notes at every Town of our strength and condition, whilst Major White held us in hand, and told us, that if they fell upon us, he would stand between the bullets and us: So that when notice had been sufficiently given, and we with all the meanes that could be used, wrought into a secure condition at Burford, and after the setting of our Guard, which was commanded by Quarter-Master More who was thereupon appointed, by his Brother Traytor, Cornet Den (who himself) since his coming to London hath avowedly declared to Ma. W. W. to this effect that his beginning, and continuing with the Burford Troops was out of premeditated and complotted designe, that so at last he might the easier bring on their destruction, holding all the time he was with them, correspondency [7] with the Generalls creatures, which said Quarter-Master More after he had set the Guard in this slight manner, and possest us with as much security as he could, and under the pretence of going to refresh himself and horse, did most villanously and treacherously leave the guard without any Orders, and himself in person posted away to the Generals forces and brought them in upon us, marching in the head of them with his sword drawn against us; And Quarter-Master More being afterward called Traitor by some of the Souldiers, Cap. Gotherd of Scroops Regiment made answer, he was none, for that he did nothing but what he was sent to do; so that most Treacherously, that same night the Generals forces came pouring on both sides of the Towne of Burford, where we had not been above three houres, swearing, Damme them and sink them, and violently fell upon us, and so by a fraudulent and Treacherous surprize defeated us, not expecting it during the Treatie, especially from them with whom we had joyned these seven years for the defence of Englands Liberties and Freedoms, and though divers of us had faire quarter promised us by Colonel Okey, Major Barton and the rest of the Officers then with them, as that not a hair of our heads should perish, yet did they suffer their souldiers to plunder us, strip us, and barbarously to use us, worse then Cavaliers, yea Cromwell stood by to see Cornet Tomson, Master Church and Master Perkins murthered, and we were all condemned to death, although Colonel Okey, Major Barton and others of the Grandees had ingaged that not a hair of our heads should perish, when they surrendred themselves unto them, Tompson being then at the head of a party of two Troops of horse, and the other with their fellow Souldiers made good their Quarters while they had the conditions promised them, and then Cromwel after this horrid murther was committed upon the three forementioned, contrary to Okeys, Bartons and others of their promises at their taking them, came to us in the Church, and making his old manner of dissembling speeches, told us it was not they that had saved our lives, but providence had so ordered it, and told us that he could not deny but that many of the things that we desired were good, and they intended to have many of them done, but we went in a mutinous way, and disobeyed the Generals Orders; but withall he told us that we should not be put off with dishonourable terms, because we should not become a reproach to the common Enemie: but we desire all unbyassed men to judge, whether ten shillings a man, and a peece of paper for seven years Service, be honourable terms: the paper being good for nothing but to sell to Parliament mens Agents, who have set them at work to buy them for three shillings, or four shillings in the pound at most; and we are forced to sell them to supply our wants, to keep us from starving, or forcing us to go to the high way, by reason they will not pay us one penny of our Arrears any other way but by papers, that so they may rob us and the rest of the Souldiers of the Armie of their seven yeers Service, to make themselves and their adherents the sole possessors of the late Kings Lands for little or nothing: and for ought we know, the moneys they buy our Debenters withall, is the money the Nation cannot have any account of. But this their dealing is not onely so to us, whom they pretend disobeyed their commands; but they dealt so basely by other Souldiers who never resisted their unjust Commands, as we beleeve no age can parallel: For in the first place, they turned them off with two months pay. Secondly, they have taken away three parts of their Arrears for Freequarter, though the Country (whose victuals, grasse and corn they eat) be never the better; [8] and do also force them to sell their papers at the rate aforesaid. And deer fellow-Souldiers, think not, because you are in Arms a little longer then we, that you shall speed better then we, which they have disbanded before you; but be assured, that when they have their own ends served on you, as they have already on us, you shall have as bad conditions of them, and may be, worse, if it be possible, then we have had before you; and may also reward you for your good services, by raising a company of mercenary Rogues to cut your throats, as they did trayterously to cut ours at Burford.

But to return, from this sad and long digression: by this their serpentine craft, and our own over credulous innocency, we were overthrown, and our hopefull beginnings for the rescue and deliverie of our selves and the nation from thraldome, blasted and destroyed; and then utterly to break and dash in pieces our spirits, and in us all Assertors of the Freedoms of England, and to put an utter inconfidence and jealousie for ever amongst such upon all future engagements, they made that wretched Judas Den, to that end their pandor and slave: they pretendedly spare his life after his condemnation to death, although now upon good grounds and intelligence, (yea partly from his own confessions as is noted before) we doe beleeve that from the beginnings of our proceedings, he was their appointed Emissary (as well as the forementioned Quartermaster) to be most zealous and forward of any man for us, the better to compasse our ruine and lead us like poor sheep to the slaughter; they enjoyne Den, to preach Apostacy to us in the Pulpit of Burford Church, to assert and plead the unlawfulnesse of our engagement, as much as before the lawfulnesse to vindicate, and justifie all those wicked and abhominable proceedings of the Generall, Lieuetenant Generall and their officers against us, howling and weeping like a Crocadile, and to make him a perfect Rogue and villain upon everlasting Record, to which like the most abhorred of mankind to bring about their pernicious ends upon the people, he willingly submitted, and to this end published a Recantation paper fraught with lies, infamies and most Trayterous assertions of an arbitrary power evidently tending to the introduction thereof upon this Nation in the persons of the cheife Leaders of the Armie, and in that paper at the advantage of this wicked and treacherous overthrow of ours endeavoured to bury our sollemn Engagement at Newmarket heath in our ruines, as if long since cancell’d and of no longer force or obligation, pretending that by petition, we had call’d home our councell of Agitators and so dissolv’d our engagement at New-market heath, And so the Army absolved from all further observation thereof.

Now to this, is to be considered, that the said engagement was radicall upon the grounds of common freedom, safetie, and securitie to the Nation, and upon that account and to that end onely undertaken and solemnly made, and all righteous othes, vows, and covenants are indissolveble and of force till their full and perfect accomplishment; the Apostacy and defection of no man, though of him or those that vowes, or makes such oaths or engagements can absolve or untie them; and this no man that hath any spark of Conscience or Christianitie in him can deny. Therefore it was most deceitfully and corruptly urged, that the same power that gave it a being dissolved it; for till the vowes of that engagement be paid unto the people, it standeth firm and obligatorie, till then the gates of hell are not able to prevail against the being and obliging power thereof; and we are sure none can say, the genuine ends and intents of that engagement are yet obtained, but a thousand [9] times further off, then at the making of that vow: besides, as that engagement enjoynes, what securitie or satisfaction to their private or publick rights, both as Souldiers and commoners, have we or the rest of our fellow souldiers yet received from a councell consisting of two Souldiers chosen out of every Regiment, two Commission officers with such Generall officers onely as assented to that undertaking, when or where was it? Indeed had such a Councell so concluded, and we the souldiers by our unanimous testimony and subscription (as we did to our engagement) testifie our satisfaction, there might have been some plausible pretence for its dissolution; but to this day it is evident to the whole world that no such thing hath been, and this was the expresse letter and intent of that New-market engagement; and to urge a petition for recalling the Agitators is a blind excuse; for put the case that there hath been such an one, and that of generall concurrence yet could it not detract or any way diminish from that righteous engagement; though the defection and subscription were both of Generall, Officers and Souldiers, yet the foundation of that Vow standeth sure to us all, it is immovable till its own proper end, viz. the accomplishment of the righteous end therein contained, affix its period: which we earnestly desire, may be conscienciously and seriously laid to heart by all our fellow souldiers in solemn covenant with us; for there is a God that over-seeth, and one day (when there will be no Articles of War to prevent) will call us to a strict reckoning for the breach of our faith and vows one to another, and the Nation, and account with us for all the blood, ruine, misery and oppression that thereby hath ensued, and still dependeth upon that most monstrous Apostacie. That pretended Petition at that day will be found to be but a broken reed to lean upon, it will nothing abate of the guilt: and how-ever it is now highly urged to wipe off all worldly dishonour from the iron Rulers of our Age, we are not such strangers to the Army, if any such Army Petition were, as not to know it: Sure wee are, no such Petition can be produced from any single Troop, Company, or Regiment, much lesse from the Armie. And though some such endeavours were for the promotion of so wicked and vile an enterprise, and now as evilly made use of; yet it never fell under the cognizance of the Army, neither yet of any single entire Regiment, Troop or Company; and the Engagement by the Army was made as an Army, by unanimous consent, and therefore no otherwise dissolvable, but unanimously as an Army and that neither otherwise then righteously, after the tenour and true intent of that Engagement, as we have clearly evinced, and therein have discharged our Consciences: See further upon this Subject a late Book of Aug. 1649 Lieut. Col. John Lilburns, Intituled, An Impeachment of High Treason against Oliver Cromwell and Henry Ireton Esquires page 4, 5. See also the 40, 41, 42, 43, 81 pages of the second Edition of his Book of the eight of June 1646 Intituled The Legall Fundamentall Liberties of the People of England, asserted, revived and vindicated.

Thus we have truly stated the case of our late proceedings and differences betwixt our Officers and us, and hope sufficiently to beget a right understanding and approvement, especially with all honest and conscientious people, of the equity of our late undertakings: however to those that are and shall come after, we have published and left upon record a perfect view and Prospect of our condition, that if the present Perusers shall not, yet happily that those that are to come may be thereby provoked to consideration thereof, and equall resentment with us of the righteous ends of that now betrayed, deserted, Engagement of the Army, which we chiefly desire and expect at the hands of our Fellow Souldiers, that they [10] may not longer like their Leaders be numbred amongst such as will not be limited or circumscribed within any Bounds, Engagements, Oaths, Promises, or Protestations, but levell, break, frustrate and throw off all, (as if no tyes betwixt man and man were to be on mankind) to bring about the corrupt ends of their ambition and avarice, as not only in this case of ours, but in all others of their publike undertakings since the beginning of the Armies Engagement is clearly manifest, and yet all their successes, and advancements over the People, gaind by their perjury, fraud, equivocations, treacheries and deceipts they ascribe to the immediate approving hand of God, and zeal over their delusions with the glorious exercise of Religious formalities to the eye of the People, by which a thick mist, as thick as the Egyptian darkness is lately come over the eyes of the greatest pretenders to true puritie and Religion, and many conscientious people therewith bewitched into the favour and approvement of their alone jesuitical, wicked, desperate and bloody wayes, even to the opposition and persecution of the most faithfull and constant promoters of, and sufferers for, the just freedoms of the Nation.

But in case our fellow Souldiers will not remember their vows, but still slight and desert the same, their sin be upon their own heads, we have discharged our selves; yet considering they may again possibly incline to their countries redemption (as labouring more under ignorance then willfulnes) we shall offer them and all others that bear good will to the Nation, what in reason and Equity is most conducing to a safe and well grounded peace amongst us, and which by its greatest Adversaries cannot be denyed but to be righteous and just, though contradictory to the lawless Lordship and ambitions of their Officers.

And first, We desire it may be considered, that our Hostile engagements against the late King, was not against him as out of any personall enmity, but simply and singly against his Oppressions and Tyranny on the People, and for their removall, but the use and advantage on all the successe God hath been pleased to give us is perverted to that personall end, that by his removall the Ruling sword-men might intrude into his Throne, set up a Martiall Monarchie more cruell, Arbitrarie and Tyrannicall then England ever yet tasted of, and that under the Notion of a Free State, when as the People had no share at all in the constitution thereof, but by the perjurie and falseness of the Lieutenant Generall and his Son in Law Ireton with their Faction was enforced and obtruded by meer conquest upon the People, a Title which Mr John Cook in his Book Intituled King Charles his Case &c. there confesseth to be more fit for Wolves and Bears then amongst men, and that such Tyrants that doe so govern with a rod of Iron, doe not govern by Gods permissive hand of approbation, and in such Cases its lawfull for a People to rise up and force their deliverance, See page 8, 10.

Now, rather then thus to be vassallaged, and thus trampled and trod under foot by such that over our backs, and by the many lives, and losse of our blood from us and our fellow-souldiers, have thus stept into the chair of this hatefull Kingship and presumption over us, in despight and defiance of the consent, choice and allowance of the free-people of this Land the true fountain and original of all just power, (as their own Votes against the Kingly Government confesse) we will chuse subjection to the Prince, chusing rather ten thousand times to be his slaves then theirs, yet hating slavery under both: and to that end, to avoid it in both, we desire it may be timely and seriously weighed.

That whereas a most judicious and faithfull Expedient to this purpose, hath, as [11] A Peace-offering been tendered to the acceptance of the free people of England, intituled, An Agreement of the People, dated May 1 1649, from our four faithfull Friends, now close prisoners in the Tower of London, we cannot but judge, that that way of Settlement, to wit, by an Agreement of the People is the onely and alone way of attonement, reconciliation, peace, freedom and security (under God) to the Nation; it being impossible by way of Conquest to allay the feud, divisions, parties and Quarrels amongst us, which if not stopt, will certainly devour us up in Civil and domestick Broils, though we should have none from abroad; for the Sword convinceth not, it doth but enforce; it begetteth no love, but fomenteth and engendreth hatred and revenge; for bloud thirsteth after bloud, and vengeance rageth for vengeance, and this devoureth and destroyeth all where it cometh. And though our present Rulers have setled themselves, and their conquest-Government over us; yet are we farther from peace and reconciliation then ever: the discontents and dissatisfactions amongst the people in the Kings time, which at length burst into desperate Warr was not the hundreth part so great as the discontents that are now; and if so much did follow the lesser, can better be expected from the greater? never were there such repinings, heart-burnings, grudgings, envyings and cursings in England as now, against the present Governours and Government; never such fraction and division into parties, binding, biting, countermining and plotting one against another for preheminency and majority then now; and of all this nothing is the cause, but this way of force and martiall obtrusion: And can it be imagined such counterplottings, repinings and divisions can be with safety and peace? it is impossible: Insurrections, tumults, revoltings, war and commotions are the proper issues of the wayes of such violence, and no better is to be expected: none but intruders, usurpers and tyrants can be for the way of force; such as would be but servants to the people, and not make the people their servants, cannot but abhor it, and lay down their glory at the feet of the people: these (that now ramp and rage over us) were they other then Tyrants, could do no lesse: they draw near it indeed in words, but are as far as hell from it in actions; they vote and declare the People the supreme Power, and the originall of all just Authority; pretend the promotion of an Agreement of the people, stile this the First yeer of Englands Freedom, intitle their Government a Free State, and yet none more violent, bloudy and perverse enemies thereto; for not under pains of death, and confiscation of lands and goods, may any man challenge and promote those rights of the nation, so lately pretended to by themselves: if we ask them a Fish, they give us a Scorpion, if bread, they give us a stone. Nothing but their boundlesse, lawless wits, their naked swords, Armies, arms and ammunition is now law in England; never were a people so cheated, so abused and trod under foot; enough to inrage them (as once the children of Israel against Adoram) to stone them to death as they passe the streets; which some could not certainly escape, were it not for the fiery sword, vengeance that surrounds them, which at the best is but the arm of flesh, for their shelter and protection, and may fail ere they are aware: all sorts of people watch but for their opportunity, and if it once come like a raging sea on Pharaoh and his host, they will swallow and devour them up alive: and sure, this kind of constitution of Government thus by force in despite of the people obtruded and setled, thus grutched, cursed and hated, will never bring any peace, quiet or rest unto this Nation, it will be but as a continuall fire in their bones: therefore this conquest Constitution is not the way of Englands peace: There is but two wayes, by Conquest, or Agreement; by fire and sword, or by compact and love; and both [12] these are contrary to each other as light is to darkness, and take their rise from contrary ends; and the way of love must needs be of God, for God is love, and all his ways are love; therefore we are bold of all other ways and Expedients whatsoever, to commend only this way of love, of popular Agreement to the publick consideration for a well founded and safe setled peace: and upon this account, and no other, can any security or enjoyment be expected to any publick transactors in this English Theatry, whether Prince or others. We beleeve, he that now judgeth otherwise, will at the length, it may be, when it is too late, finde himself as much deceived, as lie that lost his head against his own Palace gate.

Therefore considering there can be no sure building without a firm foundation, and for prevention of further homebred divisions and backslidings into blood, we desire our fellow Souldiers for their severall Regiments of Horse and Foot to chuse their respective Agents to consider of this way of Peace, that yet at length they may be instrumentall in saving (as now they are in destroying) this Nation; but considering what unsetledness, and wavering from their principles, hath appeared among them, and how slender grounds we have of their return from Apostacy, we heartily desire that all serious and well-affected people, that have any bowels of compassion in them to an afflicted, distressed nation, any sence of piety, justice, mercy or goodness in them, any hatred to oppression or remorse of spirit, at the afflicted, or desire of deliverance, or freedome from their worse then Egyptian bondage, that they would lay the miserable condition of the Nation to heart and unite themselves in their endeavours for a new, equall and speedy Representative; and we humbly offer this motion as a just expedient to that end that they would chuse two or three or more faithfull persons from their severall and respective Counties of the Land to come up to London to demand the freedom and release of the Owners and Publishers of the foresaid Agreement unjustly detained in Prison by Wil and Force, to debate and consult with them &c. of some way if possible to accomplish the said Agreement, before a deluge of Intestine insurrections and Forraign Invasions from Ireland, Scotland, Swethland, Denmarke, France, and Spain, sweep us away from the Land of our Nativity; and for our parts we doe declare, that though we have been thus abused and defeated, we have still the hearts of Englishmen in us, and shall freely (if there be occasion) spend the Remainder of our strength and blood, for the redemption and purchase of an Agreement of the People, upon the foresaid principles, the which for the satisfaction of such as have not seen it, We have hereunto annexed the forementioned draught of the said Agreement of our 4 imprisoned Friends in the Tower of London, as containing those things our souls like and approve of as the most exactest that our eyes have seen, and commend the effectuall promoting of it to the serious consideration of all the true hearted friends of this miserable and distressed Nation, and rest

The Nations true Friends and hearty Wel-wishers while
we have a drop of blood running in our Veines.

signed at London this 20 of August 1649, by us

John Wood	Robert Everard	Hugh Hurst
Humphry Marston	William Hutchinson	James Carpen

in the behalf of ourselves, and by the appointment of the rest of our forementioned Friends of the three forementioned Regiments.

An Outcry of the Youngmen and Apprentices of London: or, An Inquisition after the lost Fundamentall Lawes and Liberties of England

[1]

Gentlemen,

We are all of one Nation, and People, it is the sword only that differeth; but how just a title that is over us, your owne private thoughts surely are our determiners, however your actions import: For, it is not imaginable, (except amongst Bears, Wolves, and Lions,) that brethren of one cause, one Nation, and family, can without remorse and secret check of conscience, impose such Iron yokes of cruelty and oppression upon their fellowes, as by the awe and force of your Sword rampant, is imposed upon the people of this Nation; you see it; we are at best but your hewers of wood, and drawers of water; our very persons, our lives and properties, are all over-awed to the supportation only of the raging lawlesse Sword, drench’t in the precious blood of the people, the ancient and famous Magistracy of this Nation, the Petition of Right, the great Charter of England, above thirty times confirmed in open and free Parliament, with all other the fundamentall laws, safeties, and [2] securities of the people, which our Ancestors at an extraordinary dear rate (as with abundance of their blood and treasure) purchased for the inheritance of us, and of the Generations after us, and for which you pretendedly took up arms against the late King and his party, are now all subverted, broken down and laid wast, the Military Power being thrust into the very office and seat of the Civil Authority, The king not onely most illegally put to death, by a strange, monstrous, illegall, arbitrary Court, such as England never knew; Monarchy extirpated (not rectified) without, and besides the consent of the people, (though the actors of that bloody scene have owned and declared them to be the original of all just humane Authority) but even our Parliaments (the very interest, marrow, and soule of all the native rights of the people) put downe, and the name and power thereof transmitted to a pick’d party of your forcible selecting, and such as your Officers (our Lords, and Rulers) have often and frequently stiled no better then a mock Parliament, a shadow of a Parliament, a seeming Authority, or the like, pretending the continuance thereof, but till a new and equall Representative, by a mutuall Agreement of the free People of England could be elected, although now for subserviency to their exaltation and Kingship, they prorogue, and perpetrate the same in the name, and under colour thereof, introducing a Privy Counsell, or as they call it, a Counsell of State, of superintendency, and suppression to all future successive Parliaments for ever, erecting a martiall Government (by blood and violence impulsed upon us) making souldiers to be executioners of Orders and VVartants, pretending to the Civill Authority, and in every particular (notwithstanding, all your famous and glorious Declarations of Freedom and Liberty) dealing with us, as an absolute, conquered and inslaved People The Law being nothing but a mock protection to our lives, liberties and properties; the Judges set apart, for the executors of it, a meer delusion, our Sheriffs, Mayors, Justices of Peace, Constables, &c. being laid by, or made no better then ciphers, (the choise of them, by will without right) appropriated to a few factious men, while the right owners (the people) are rob’d of their free and popular elections of them) as not daring to execute Justice upon the rudest or meanest souldier in England, although the Law sufficiently warrants them thereunto, but contrarywise, Commoners are forceably convened and tryed before a Councell of VVarr, and some sentenced even unto death, others by a private verball order made to run the gantlop, and whipt most barbarously, for refusing to take false and illegall oaths; and the blood of war (expresly against the Petition of right, and for which amongst other crimes, the Earle of Strafford lost his head as a Traytor, shed in times of Peace, as the blood of Mr. Richard Arnell upon the 15. November, 1647. near Ware, of Mr. Robert Lockier the 17. of April, 1649 (so much bewailed and lamented at London) of Col. Poyer, of Cornet Thompson, Mr. Perkins, and Mr. Church, upon the 16. of May 1649 at Burford, contrary to promises, and solemn ingagements at the taking of them, (as their friends lately defeated with them, in their vindication of the 20. of August, 1649 fully declare, pag. 6. 7.) and others yet fresh in our memory doth witnesse: parties of horse and foot, (contrary and in direct defiance, of the due course and process of Law) sent at unseasonable houres, to hale and pull people out of their beds and houses, from their wives and children, without so much as ever summoning of them, and without any crime or accusation showne, or accuser appearing, or the least pretence or shadow of Law produced, some sent into remote Garrisons, where they have been most barbarously used, and indeavoured to be starved, and took from Garrison to Garrison, others lock’d up close prisoners, with centinels night and day upon their doors, and all due tryalls and help at Law, stoop’d and denyed, and no remedy to be obtained, yet free men most barbarously put out of their legall possessions, by force of arms; without any manner of triall at Law, yea the Law damn’d, and stoopt up against them, for recovering of their legall rights and they threatned severely to be punished, if they desist not their suits at Law; yea, and free-mens states never pretended to be within the compasse of the Ordinances of sequestrations, seized on to [3] so great virtue (by some great mens wills, protected by their swords, to do even what they list, without controul) without any manner of tryall or conviction, or any shadow of legall presence, or ever so much as laying any pretended crime to the parties charge; all which are the very (if not higher) crimes, then the Earle of Strafford principally lost his head for, as a Traytor, as clearly appears by his Act of Attainder, and by his large printed additionall Impeachment, 1640. both in English and Irish cases, as clearly appears in the preamble thereof; and in Article 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. But that which is worst of all, the best and most faithfull maintainers of the English Freedomes, are most maligned, abused, and vilified, that it is now become a crime of the greatest perill and penalty, to be faithfull to the declared interest of Parliaments, or rights of the people therein; a thing so dreadfully complained of by the Parliament, in the beginning of their first Remonstrance of December 1641. New Acts of high Treason, to that end devised to ensnare and intrap the most conscientious, so that we cannot talk or discourse of our lost Freedomes, or open our mouths of our oppressions, but we are in as bad a condition, as our Fore-Fathers were, in the daies of VVilliam the Conqueror, (that thought any fact crime enough to intitle him to their estates,) if not worse by being Treason struck; and besides all this, multitudes of pick pocket, murdering taxes are heap’d, and continued upon the old, and in default of payment, souldiers are put upon straining, seizing and plundering of our Masters goods, and houses, for which violence and villany, they must be largely paid, or else they will plunder over again for that; yea and the late large Act about Excize, so transcendent and insnaring in its penalties, that no man well knows how to behave himself in his trading, for fear of being undone; yea, so numberlesse are our most insufferable cruelties, overspreading and wounding the whole Land and people, that our borders are even filled with the lamentations, mournings, tears, sighs and dolefull groans, of the oppressed and inslaved ruinated people. Trade decayed and fled, misery, poverty, calamity, confusion, yea and beggery grown so sore, and so extream upon the people, as the like never was, in England, under the most tyrannicall of all our Kings, that were before these in present power, since the daies of the Conqueror himself; no captivity, no bondage, no oppression like unto that, no sorrow or misery like unto ours, (of being inslaved, undone and destroyed by our large pretended friends, for whose preservation, we could have even pul’d out our very eyes) the people become desolate and forsaken, wandring, pining, and mourning (like those in Jeremies Lamentations, unto whose sorrows, they said, none was like), after their lost fundamentall Laws, their native, and just freedoms, and rights, and there is none to comfort, none to pitty, none to relieve, none to help or to save. Alas, alas for pitty, For,

Your hearts seem to us as obdurate as the flinty rock, as savage and inhumane, as if the flesh and blood, the bones and marrow of the people, were become your meat, as already it is in effect, and instead of incouragement and support to our true friends, and reall relievers (at least in faithfull desire and indeavour) as shall stand in the gap betwixt our destroyers and us, all waies and meanes are used to impoverish, destroy, and suppresse them, and in them to break and vassallage the spirits of all the English, which in all ages have had the preheminency of other Nations, that there may not be so much of gallantry or courage left amongst the people, that one amongst them shall dare to assert or maintaine their freedomes, (which Act is not a little aggravated by M. John Pym, in his remarkable Speech against the Earl of Strafford, as the highest of Treasons against any Nation in Common wealth,) for if any do but murmure and complain, or seek for remedy, though by way of Petition or Addresse to the House, presently their houses, as with Furies, are beset, with armed mercenary Janisaries, Guards, and Centinels, set upon their doores and passages, no consideration had of the terror or affrightment of our Masters, their wives, children, or servants, or of reason, or law, and their persons as Traytors therefore imprisoned, for weeks, and moneths; yea, and close imprisoned from the society of all their friends, without ever so much as ever seeing either informer, accuser, prosecutor, or witnesse, yea, or ever seeing Indictment, Impeachment, or Charge, yea, or [4] face to face, or in their Mittimus’s, or any other formall or legall way, ever so much as having any crime, or presence of a crime laid unto their charge, by those very men before whom they are brought, and who by the rules of their meer will commit them therefore, although the Parliament in severall Declarations have declared, That they have received Petitions for the removall of things established by Law, and we must say, and all that know what belongeth to the course or practise of Parliament will say, that we ought so to do, and that both our Predecessors, and His Majesties Ancestors have constantly done it, there being no other place, wherein Lawes that by experience may be found grievous and burthensome, can be altered or repealed, and there being no other due and legall way, wherein they which are agrieved by them, can seek redresse, and that it is in tumult to deliver Petitions by popular multitudes, a part book of Parliaments Declarations, pag. 123. 201. 202. 209. 533. 548. 691. 720.

Yea, and your very selves, and your jugling Officers quarrell’d with, and took up armes against the Parliament, your creators and originall Lords and Masters, for prohibiting you to petition, and make knowne your grievances to them, and sufficiently envy and exclaime against them for so doing, and impeach some of them as Traytors therefore, as clearly appears in your own book of Declar. p. 10. 11. 17. 23. 33. 35. 44. 60. 61. 62. 83. 85. 118.

And yet nothing but the boundlesse wills and humors of those fore-mentioned men of blood, inrageth and ruleth over us: and is this all the return and fruit, that people are to expect at your hand doth your solemn ingagement at New-market, and Triplo heath, with your Declaratious, Remonstrances, Vowes and Protestations unto us all, center in this bed-roll of cruelties? we pray you give us leave to make inquiry amongst you after those things, and give losers leave to complain. Remember you not with what cheerfullnesse and alacrity our fellow-Apprentices; the glory and flower of the youth of this Nation, and multitudes of our selves yet surviving, ran in to your assistance or of a conscientious intent, to uphold and maintain the fundamentall Constitution of this Common VVealth? viz. the interest and right of the people in their Parliaments, it being most rationall, and unquestionably just, that the people should not be bound but by their owne consent given to their Deputies in Parliament, which by the Laws and customes of England, ought [wholly new] to bee annuall), to deliver and clear the Land from its heavy pressures and bonds, not ingaging in the least, against the person of the king, as king, or with any thought or presence of destroying, but regulating kingship, but meerly for the removall of all those cruelties and oppressions, he had laid upon the people by his will, contrary to Law; this you know to bee true, your owne papers extant to the world are our record and witnesses, as might plentifully be recited, but they are known to all men, that know your affairs, you cannot deny it; but where is the fulfilment of all your glorious words, registered in your book of Declarations? in which pag. 14. you say, you shall through the grace of God, discharge your duties to the Parliament, &c. and also demonstrate, that the good and quiet of the Kingdome is much dearer to you, then any particular concerament of your own; and in pag. 23. the Generall to both Houses in his Letter of the 6. of June 1647. assures the Parliament, it is his study and care to avoid a new war, and (further thus saith) so I find it to be the unanimous desire, and study of the Army, that a firm peace in this Kingdome may be setled, and the liberties of the people cleared, and secured accordingly, to the many Declarations by which we were invited, and induced to ingage in the late warre, most seriously there promising them, they will not meddle to the advancement of any particular parts or interest whatsoever.

And in your solemn ingagement of the 5. June 1647. pag. 26. you promise and ingage to God, the Kingdome, and to each other, that you will not disband, divide, nor suffer your selves to be disbanded, nor divided (either for Ireland, or any other place else) untill we have first such satisfaction [as you say] to the Army, in relation to our grievances, and desires heretofore presented, & such security. [5] That we of our selves (when disbanded, and in the condition of private men) or other the free-born people of England (to whom the consequence of our case ( about petitioning ) doth equally extend) (had to remain subject to the like oppression, injury or abuse, as in the premises hath been attempted and put upon while an Army.

O that there had been an heart in you, to have made this good before your gross apostacy from all your engagements and promises, that hath already occasioned so much misery, warr and bloodshed. Or, oh that yet there were hearts within you vigorously and effectually to go about the accomplishment and fulfilment thereof (and thereby prevent all the miseries, blood-shed and desolations that for want thereof undoubtedly must and will ensue) which you are bound and tyed unto both before God and man, as is (in our judgments) unanswerably proved in the foresaid treacherously defeated Burford mens Vindication, pag. 8. 9. 10.

But to return, in your said engagement, in the fore-recited 26. page, you positively there disown and disclaim all purposes or designes in our late or present proceedings, to advance or insist upon a particular interest, to the overthrow of Magistracy, &c. neither (by you) would we (if we might or could) advance or set up any particular party or interest in the Kingdom [though imagined never so much our own] but shall much rather [as far as may be within our sphear or power] study to promote such an establishment of common equall right and freedom to the whole, as all might equally partake of.

And in that most choyce and best of Declarations made by the whole Army of Souldiers, as well as Officers June 14. 1647, tendered to the Parliament, concerning their just and fundamentall rights and liberties of themselves and the Kingdom, Book Decl pag. 36. 37. you say, That we may no longer be the dissatisfaction of our friends, the subject of our enemies malice [to work jealousies and misrepresentations upon] and the suspicion [if not astonishment] of many in the Kingdom, in our late or present transactions and conduct of business; we shall in all faithfulnesse and cleernesse profess and declare unto you, these things which have of late protracted and hindered our disbanding, the present grievances which possesse the Army, and are yet unremedied; with our desires, as to the compleat settlement of the Liberties and peace of the Kingdom, which is that blessing of God, then which (of all worldly blessing) nothing is more dear unto us, or more precious in our thoughts, we having hitherto thought all our present enjoyments [whether of life or livelihood, or neerest relations] twice but sufficient to the purchase of so rich a blessing, that we, and all the free-born people of this Nation may lie down in quiet under our vines, and under the pious administration of Justice and Righteousnesse, and in full possession of those fundamentall Rights and Liberties, without which we can have little hopes (as to humane condition) to enjoy either any comforts of life, or so much as life itself, but at the pleasure of some men, ruling meerly according to will and power.

And in the same Declaration pag. 38. 39. you further say thus; Nor will it now (we say) seem strange or unreasonable to rationall and honest men, who consider the consequence of our present case, to their own and the Kingdoms [as well as our] future concernment, in point of right, freedom, peace and safety (if from a deep sense of the high consequence of our present case, both to our selves [in future] and all other people) we shall, before disbanding, proceed in our own and the kingdoms behalf, to propound and further some provision for our and the kingdoms satisfaction and future security, in relation to those things especially, considering that we were not a meer mercenary Army, hired to serve any arbitrary power of a State, but called forth and conferred by the severall Declarations of Parliament, to the defence of our own and the peoples full Rights and Liberties: and so we took up arms in judgment and conscience to those ends, and have so continued them, and are resolved, according [6] to your first just desires in your Declarations, and such principles as we have received from your frequent informations, and our own common sense, concerning those our fundamentall Rights and Liberties, to assert and vindicate the just power and rights of this Kingdom in Parliament for those common ends promised against all arbitrary power, violence and oppression, and against all particular parties and interests, whatever. The said Declaration is still directing us to the equitable sense of all Laws and Constitutions (and, as dispensing with the very letter of the Law, and being fundamental, where the safety and perturbation of all is concerned: and assuring us that all authority lies fundamentally vested in the Office, but administerially in the Persons.

And on page 96, speaking in general of purging some evil members out of the Parliament, you declare, “your carriage towards them shall be such, as that the world shall see we aim at nothing of private revenge and animosities but that Justice may have a free course, and the Kingdom be eased and secured, by disenabling such men [at least] from place of Judicature, who desiring no advantage and set up themselves and their party in a generall confusion, have endeavoured to put the Kingdom into a new time of Warr, then which nothing is more abhorrent to us. And in the same Declaration, spending the 42 and 43 pages in most excellent expressions, of the excellency and benefit of frequent and successive Parliaments [totally new] and the mischief, bondage and vassallage of the long continuance of any Parliament, at pa.44 you say, And thus a firm foundation being laid in the authority and constitution of Parliaments, for the hopes at least of common and equitable Right and Freedom to our selves, and all the free born people of this Land; we shall for our parts freely and cheerfully commit our stock or share of interest in this Kingdom into this common bottom of Parliaments, and though it may [for our particulars] go ill with us in one voyage, yet we shall thus hope, [if right be with us] to fare better in another.

And in the last end of that transcendant Declaration, pag. 46. you conclude thus: “We have thus freely and clearly declared the depth and bottom of our hearts and desires in order to the Rights, Liberties and peace of the Kingdom; wherin we appeal to all men, whether we seek anything of advantage to our selves, or any particular party whatsoever, or to the prejudice of the whole; and whether the things we wish and seek for, do not equally concern and conduce to the good of others in common with our selves, according to the sincerity of our desires and intentions (wherein as we have already found the concurrent sense of the people in divers Countries, by their petitions to the General, expressing their deep resentment of these things, and pressing us to stand for the interest of the kingdom therein; so we shall wish and expect the unanimous concurrence of all others, who are equally concerned with us in these things, and wish well to the Publick.

And in p. 52. being writing to the Lord Mayor Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London in Common Councel assembled, it is thus said To conclude, we say from our hearts that our especiall ends are the glory of God, and the good of this whole Land, so my endeavour shall be to prosecute the same without prejudice to the being or well being of Parliaments in generall; the maintenance whereof we value above our own lives or (as we have formerly said) of this Parliament in particular, but together in order to the good and Peace of the Nation, and wish a most tender regard to your City.

And in page 57, 58. its said that, In our last Representation it may appear what desires are, as Members of the Common-wealth in behalf of our selves and all others the cleering, setling and securing of the rights, liberties and Peace of the Kingdom; for justnesse, reasonableness, necessity and common concernment whereof unto all, we dare appeal to the whole Kingdom, and to the world.

[7]

And in page 76 to the Lord Mayor of London, &c. it is said, “ That it is a sudden and substantial settlement of the whole we desire in a generall, safe, and well grounded peace, and the establishment of such good Laws, as may only and readily render to every man their just rights liberties; and for the obtaining of these, not only our intentions had led us too, but we think that all the blood, treasure and labour spent in this War, was for the accomplishing those very things, which are of that concernment both to our selvs and propertie, that neither we nor they can live comfortably without them, and therefore their help is much pressed for to bring things to a happy conclusion, to the satisfaction of all honest mens expectation, and that in all our undertakings we shall be found men of truth, fully and singly answering the things we have held forth to the kingdom in our severall Declarations and Papers, without byas or base respects to any private end of interest whatsoever.

And in page 97. is recorded a notable Proposall to the Parliament from Redding, July 12. 1647. which doth sufficiently condem your late tyrannicall dealing with some of the very parties therein mentioned; The Proposall thus followeth; “Wee doe earnestly desire, That all persons imprisoned in England or Dominion of Wales, not for Delinquency in relation to the last Warre, but for other pretended misdemeanours,) and whose imprisonment is not by the regulated course of Law, but by Order from either Houses of Parliament, (or of Committees flowing from them) may be put into a speedy regular and equitable way of Triall, (or if the necessity of setling the generall affairs of the Kingdom admit not their present triall) then they may have present libertie (upon reasonable security) to their apppearance at a certain day, to answer what shall be charged against them in a Legall way, and that when they should be tryed, if they appear wrongfully or unduly imprisoned, they may have reparation according to their sufferings.

In particular we desire this may be done in behalfe of L. Colonel John Lilborn, Master John Musgrave, Master Overton and others (in their condition) imprisoned in and about London. Read also more fully to this purpose p. 101. 105. 110. 112. 118. 128. 132. 137. so also the large Remonstrance from Saint Albans of the 16. of November 1648. pag 6. 89 12. 14. 15. 22. 23. 29. 43. 45. 47. 48. 57. 62. but especially 65. 66. 67. 68. 69.

But after this large (but yet profitable and necessary) digression, let us seriously expostulate with you and put you in mind of your most wicked and grosse apostacy (such as the world never see or read of before, from men that professe God and godlinesse in a strict manner, and would be reputed the CHOICEST SAINTS in England) and cry out unto you with astonishment and admonition; and thus interrogate your very consciences (where God alone ought to sit King) Oh heare you not the blood of our dear fellow Apprentices, and of the rest of the good People of England spilt for the redemption of this inthraled Nation (especially since your first contest with the Parliament) cry aloud in your ears and hearts (where ever you goe) for vengeance upon you, the peoples perfidious abusers, betrayers and destroyers? Oh do not you hear them cry out unto your very conscences; O give our Fathers, or Mothers, our Brothers, our Sisters, and others of our neer and dear relations, the full and speedy accomplishment of all your forementioned inravishing promises and engagement, by vertue of the power and efficacy of which you stole away their heart, and spirits from all their relations, and made them with willingnesse and cheerfullnesse become sacrifices for your assistance; for that end principally (if not only) that they that survived might enjoy the full and ample fruition of all your glorious promises and engagements, for common freedom, distributive Justice and righteousnesse upon the earth; Oh do you not hear their blood cry unto you? O mock not (nor dally with) God any longer, but without delay, give our friends and country-men the promised price of all our blood, by the full and speedy paying of all your vows, and engagements made unto God [8] for that end, lest for all your perjury, apostacy, and perfidiousnesse he create a mighty and irresistible spirit of revenge amongst the people, and knit together (their otherwise divided hearts, in one, is one man to rise up in one day to destroy you, with a more fatall scouring destruction then you have already destroyed others (yea the highest in the Nation) pretendedly for oppressions, breach of Oaths, Faith and Covenants) yea to sweep you away from the land of the living; with an overflowing deluge of destruction, as the enslaved women about six or seven hundred years agoe, did the Danes in one night throughout England.

Oh do not your hearts at all relent? can you consider this your forecited unparalleled and horrible defection and apostacy, and not tremble and be amazed, and even confounded? Is there lesse remorse of conscience in you then was in Belshazzar, who at his seeing the hand writing upon the wall, hanged his countenance, and his thoughts troubled him, so that the joynts of his loins were loosed, and his knees smote one against another, (though otherwise in as great Jolity and prosperity as any of yourselves or Officers) or have you lesse apprehension of the Majesty of God then was in the heathen Roman Governour Felix, who when he heard Paul reason or Preach of rightousnesse, temperance and Judgement to come trembled and feared, and durst not proceed in fury against him, although much thereunto provoked by his adversaries, Act. 24. since all sense and compunction of conscience is not totally departed from you; hear us therefore in the yearning bowels of love and kindnes we intreat and beseech you with patience and do not abuse us for complaining and crying out, for the knife hath been very long at the very throats of our Liberties and Freedoms, and our burthens are too great and too many for us, we are not able to bear them and contain our selves, our oppressions are even ready to make us despair, (or forthwith to fly to the prime Lawes of nature, viz. the redolent remedy at hand, light it where it will, or upon whom it will) they are become as devouring set in our bones, ready to burn us up, rendring us desperate and carelesse of our lives, prising those that are already dead, above those that are yet living, who are rid of that paine and torment, that we do & must indure, by sensibly seeing and beholding not only the doing, but the daily burial of our native Liberties and Freedoms, that we care not what becomes of us, seeing that we are put into that originall state or chaos of confusion; wherein lust is become a law, envy and malice are become laws, and the strongest sword rules and governes all by will and pleasure; all our ancient boundaries and land-marks, and puld up by the roots, and all the tyes and bonds of humane society in our English horizon totally destroyed and exterpated. Alas for pity.

We had rather die then live this life of languishing death, in which our Masters possesse nothing (to buy themselves or us bread to keep us alive) that they can call their own; therefore it is no boot for us to serve out our times, and continue at our drudging and toyling trades while these oppressions, cruelties and inhumanities are upon us, and the rest of the people; exposing thereby the Nation not only to domestick broyles, wars and blood-sheds (wherein we insure our bodies must be the principall bars) but to forraign Invasions by France, Spaine, Denmark, Sweathland, &c. as was well observed by our endeared and faithfull friends of the forementioned late treacherously defeated party at Burford in their Book of the 20 of August, 1649. Intituled the Levellers vindicated, or the Case of their 12 Troops truly stated, pag. 11. which we cannot but seriously recommend (with them) to your serious perusall and judgement and desire to know of you (but especially the private souldiery of the Generals Regiment of horse, what we understand had a hand in seasing upon and plundering our true friends at Burford) whether you do own the abominable and palpable treacherous dealings of your Generall and Lieutenant Generall Cromwel and their perfidious Officers with them or no? (that so we may not condemn the innocent with the guilty, and may know our friends from our foes) as also to tell us, whether we do approve of the totall deflection of your Army under which it now lyeth, from their Faithful solemn engagement made at Newmarket-heath, June the 5 1647, not one of those righteous men in behalf of the Parliament and people, on which your vow was made, being yet fulfilled or [9] obtained; but on the contrary (as we have before rehearsed) a whole flood-gate of tyrannies are let in upon us, and even over-whelme us; and whether you justify all those actions done in the name of the Army upon your account, and under pretext of that Engagement since the Engagement it self was broken, and your Councill of Agitators dissolved? And whether you will hold up your Swords to maintaine the totall abolition of the peoples choicest interest or freedom, viz. frequent and successive Parliaments, by an Agreement of the People, or obstruct the annuall succession? Whether you doe allow of the late shedding of the blood of war in time of peace, to the subversion of all our Laws and Liberties? And whether you do countenance the usurpation of the fundamental Freedoms of this Commonwealth? as their revocation or nullity of the Great Charter of England, The Petition of Right, &c And whether you do assent to the erection of Arbitrary prerogative Courts that have or shall overrule, or make void, our ancient way of tryals in criminal Cases, by a Jury of 12 men of the neighbourhood? and whether you will assist or joyne in the forcible obtrusion of this Martial and Tyrannical Rule over us? Also whether you will fight against and destroy those of our friends that shall endeavour the composure of our differences, together with the procurement of our Freedoms and settlement of our peace (your plenty and prosperity) accordingly as it was offered by the 4 Gentlemen prisoners in the Tower of London, upon the first of May 1649 (as a peace-offering to this Nation) by the Agreement of the People?

Lastly, We earnestly beseech you to acquaint us, whether from your hands (to your power) we may expect any help or assistance in this our miserable distressed condition, to the removall of those iron bands and yolks of oppression, that have thus inforced us to complain, and addresse our selves thus to your serious consideration.

For we cannot chuse but acquaint you, that we are seriously resolved, through the strength and assistance of God, (with all the interest we have in the world) to adhere to the righteous things contained in our treacherously defeated freinds forementioned late vindication; very much approving of that unparalel’d expedient (of an agreement of the free people,) they propose in the latter end thereof, for the firm setling of the peace, Liberties and Freedoms of this distracted nation, which hath so much justice, righteousnesse and safety in it, that we hope it will in a very short time levell all self interests before it & make it clearly appear to him that claims the greatest personall share in the government of this Nation, that there is no way to obtain the true love of the understanding English people (without which he will never obtain his desired Crown) but by a cheerefull, hearty and reall promotion of such principles therein contained as doe sufficiently tye his hands from cutting the peoples throats, at his will and pleasure, the endeavouring of which, exposed his father to that fatall end that befell him; which may be a seasonable caveat to all Princes &c, to take heed of that desperate rock, viz. the attempting to govern the people by will, and not by Law; by force, and not by love; the onely and alone durable and permanent tie or bond amongst the sons of men; We say that expedient of an Agreement of the free people appears to us to have so much equity righteousnesse and common safety in it, that we are resolved to bury all by-past DISTASTS at the greatest of Englishmen that shall heartily and cordially, signe and put forth their power and interest, to promote the establishment of the principalls therein contained; and in the ADHERING TO, AND STANDING BY, all such as shall be in any danger for walking in such paths, we shall through the strength of the Lord God Omnipotent (to the uttermost of our power and abilities) resolvedly hazard our our lives and all that is dear to us.

For the effectuall promotion of which said Agreement we are necessitously compeld, to resolve in close union to joyn our selves, or our Commissioners (chosen for that end) the Counsel with our foresaid Burford friends, or their Commissioners, and to resolve to run all hazards, [10] to methodize all our honest fellow Prentices, in all the Wards of London, and the out-Parishes, to chuse out their Agents to joyn with us or ours: to write Exhortative Epistles, to all the honest hearted freemen of England, in all the particular Countries thereof, to erect severall Councels amongst themselves, out of which we shall desire (and exhort them) to chuse Agents or Commissioners (impowered and intrusted by them) speedily to meet us and the Agents of all our, (and the Agreement of the People) adherents at London, resolvedly to consider of a speedy and effectuall method, and way how to promote the Election of a new and equall Representative or Parliament, by the Agreement of the free People, seeing those men that now sit at Westminster, and pretendedly stile themselves the Parliament of England, and who are (as they say (although most falsly) in the Declaration for a Free State, dated March 17. 1643, p.17. intrusted, aund authorized by the consent of all the People of England whose Representatives they are) make it their chiefest and principallest work, continually to part and share amongst themselves, all the great, rich, and profitablest places of the Nation, as also the Nations publike treasure and Lands, and wil not ease our intolerable oppressions, no nor so much as of late receive our Particular Petitions having upon Thursday last, August 23 1649. rejected that most excellent of Petitions ready at their door to be presented to them by divers honest men (our true hearted neighbours of Surrey) the true Copie of which for the worth of it although it be at large already printed in Friday Occurences and the Tuesday Moderate,) we desire here to insert.

To the supreme Authority of this Nation, the Commons of England assembled in Parliament:

The humble Petition of the oppressed of the County of Surrey, which have cast in their Mite into the Treasury of this Common-wealth.

SHEWETH,

THat as the Oppressions of this Nation in time foregoing this Parliament were so numerous and burdensome, as will never be forgotten; so were the hopes of our deliverance by this Parliament exceeding great, and full of confidence, which as they were strengthened by many Acts of yours in the beginning, especially towards conscientious people, without respect unto their judgments or opinions; did the gratitude of the wel-minded people, exceed all presidents or example sparing neither estate, limb, liberty, or life, to make good the authority of this honorable house, as the foundation and root of all just Freedom, although we many times observed (to our grief) some proceedings holding resemblance rather with our former bondage: yet did we impute the fame to the troublesomness of the times of War, persistently and silently passing them over, as undoubtedly hoping a perfect remedy, so soon as the Warres were ended: But perceiving our expectations in some particulars frustrated: and considering some late dealings with some of our friends, &c. the consideration of which lies so heavy on our spirit that for prevention thereof, we conceive our selves bound in conscience and duty to God, to set before you once more, the generall grievances of the Commonwealth, and the earnest desires of the ingenious and well-minded people.

First, That the Petition of the Eleventh of September last, and the Agreement of the People may be reassumed, and the particulars therof speedily established.

Secondly, we most earnestly beg, with many other of your faithfull friends in all the Counties of England that that most irksome and intolerable oppression of Tythes, which is retained in no reformed Church, neverthelesse more firmly established then ever by your Ordinance for treble dammages, made in the Parliaments corruption, and yet no Act against it, which causes our hearts to be discouraged, and brought into much fear and doubt of the removall of these and other bondages by this Representative: Wherefore we cannot passe it by, but again intreat, that the Ordinance for Tythes may be speedily revoked, and that a more equall way of maintenance be provided by the publique Ministery.

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Thirdly, That all proceedings in law may be in English, that a short time may be inserted for the tryall of all causes, and that by Twelve men of the Neighborhood, and that none may be debarred of Freedom to plead his own or his Neighbours Cause, [ as by Law any man may and ought to doe, as clearly appears by the Statute of 28 Edw 1 ch.11. ] before any court of Justice, although no Lawyer. And that no member of your House be suffered to plead as a Lawyer, whilst a member thereof.

Fourthly, That some course may be taken for the future, to pay the Army; not laying such intolerable Burthen and taxes on its people which we are not able to bear, And so we shall for ever stand by you an all Representatives for the freedom of the Nation, as formerly. Desiring that we may obtain speedily a new and equal Representative.

We say, considering what is before premised, we are necessitated and compeld to doe the utmost we can for our owne preservations; and for the preservation of the Land of our Nativity; and never (by popular petitions) addresse our selves to the men sitting at Westminster any more, or to take any notice of them, then as of so many Tyrants and Usurpers, and for time to come to hinder (as much and as farr as our poor despised interest will extend to) all others whatsoever from subscribing or presenting any more popular petitions to them: And only now as our last Paper-refuge, mightily cry out to each other, of our intolerable oppressions in Letters and Remonstrances, signed in the behalf, and by the appointment of all the rest by some of the stoutest and stiffest amongst us that we hope will never apostasize, but be able through the strength of God, to lay down their very lives for the maintaining of that which they set their hands to.

You our fellow-Countrymen (the private Souldiers of the Army) alone, being the instrumentall authors of your own slavery and ours; therefore as there is any bowels of men in you, any love to your Native Country, Kindred, friends or relations, any sparks of conscience in you, any hopes of glory or immortality in you, or any pity, mercy, or compassion, to an inslaved, undone, perishing, dying people, Oh help, help! save and redeem us from totall vassalage and slavery, and be no more like brute beasts, to fight against us or our friends, your loving and dear brethren after the flesh: to your own vassalage as well as ours.

And as an assured pledg of your future cordialnesse to us (and the true and reall liberties of the Land of your Nativitie) we beseech and beg of you, (but especially those amongst you that subscribed the solemn engagement at Newmarket heath and the of June 1649) speedily to chuse out from amongst your selves, Two of the ablest and constantest faithfull men amongst you in each Troop and Company, now at last, (by corresponding each with other, and with your honest friends in the Nation) to consider of some effectuall course (beyond all pretences and cheat) to accomplish the real end of all your engagements and fightings, viz. the settling of the Liberties and Freedoms of the people, which can never permanently be done, but upon the sure foundation of a POPULAR AGREEMENT: who (viz. the people) in Justice, gratitude, and common equity, cannot choose but voluntarily and largely make better provision for your future subsistance (by the payment of your ARREARS) then ever your Officer, or this pretended Parliament intends, or you can rationally expect from them; witnesse, their cutting off three parts of your Arreares in four for Free-quarter and then necessitating abundance of your fellow-Souldiers (now cashiered, &c.) to sell their Debenters at two shillings six pence, three shillings and at most four shillings per l. by meanes of which you that keep your Debenters being necessitated to vie with the greatest bidder, in the purchase of the late Kings Lands, they are able to give above 30 years purchase, for that you cannot give a years purchase for; and if you will not give with the most you must have no Land, so that the most of your Debenters are likely to prove waste papers, and those that purchase will have but a slippery security of their possessions, by reason of generall discontents amongst all sorts of people, and particularly by so extraordinarily disengaging and cheating so many Souldiers as they have done, of their just expected recompence of reward.

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And also, as a further demonstration of the cordialnesse of your hearts to us, OUR BURFORD FRIENDS, and our own and our Liberties; we desire you to take some speedy course for the faithfull restoring to the right Owners, all such Horses, Money, Clothes, &c. as you, any of you, plundered or stole from our true friends, (cheated and defeated) at Burford, publish some kinde of Demonstration of your or any of your remorse of Conscience for your being instrumentall in destroying of them there, that stood for your good, freedomes and ARREARS, as much, (and as well) as their own, especially considering they have in their foresaid Vindication made it evident and apparent (and we understand they are at face to face to prove) That both our Generall, and Lieutenant Generall Cromwell broke their faith with them, and treacherously surprised them; and so dealt worse and more vilely with them, then ever they did with the worst of Cavaliers, with whom in that kinde they never broke faith with, in their lives; but more especially we desire the last fore-mentioned thing in your hands; because upon that Trayterous and wicked defeat of those our true Friends, (and wilfully murthering of three of them) that really stood for the Nations interest, Liberties, and Freedoms your Generall and Cromwell, with the rest of their faction made a most transcendent Feast, to insult over the Liberties and freedoms of the servants of the most high God as though by that most vile act, they had subdued and buryed all the Liberties of the Nation in eternall oblivion, and FOYL’D the Lord of life and glory himself, from distilling any more Spirit of Courage and Resolution into any to stand for them; and in that wickedest of Feasts, not onely a great measure imitated Belshazzar, Dan. 5. That made a great Feast to a thousand of his Lords, and fetched out the vessels, that by the spolie of the people of God, his father Nebuchadnezzar had gone to the Temple of the Lord, and drank wine in them, and praised the gods of gold and of silver, of brasse, of iron, of wood, and of stone, but also imitated the greatest of the enemies of Christ, who at the slaying of the two witnesses, Rev. 11. rejoiced over them and made merry and sent gifts one to another (as in Gold and Silver plate, &c. was most largely done to your General Fairfax and Lieutenant-General Cromwell) the reason of which is there rendred, which is, because the two Prophets (of Truth and Justice) tormented them that dwelt on the earth; but with comfort and joy we cannot but serve the next words to them, which is, That within a little season after, the Spirit of life from God entred into them, (as we hope and doubt not, but it will abundantly now doe upon the true defenders for justice and righteousnesse amongst men) and they stood upon their feet, and great feare fell upon them that saw them, and great Earthquakes followed, in the nick of which is proclamation that the Kingdoms of this world are become the Kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ; and he shall reign for ever and ever; unto which we heartily say, Amen, Amen. So with our hearty true love remembred to you all, expecting your, or some of your speedy answer, we commit you to God, and rest

London this 29. August, 1649.

Your faithful, though abused Countrymen.

Signed in the behalf of our selves, and the unanimous consent of the Agents of the Youngmen and Apprentices of the City of London, that love and approve of the Agreement of the People, dated May 1. 1649. the Vindication of the late defeated men at Burford entituled, The Leveller, vindicated.

Charles Collins	Anthony Bristlebolt
William Trabret	Steven Smith
Ed. Waldegrove	Thomas Frisby
Ed. Stanley	William White
Nicholas Blowd	John Floyd.

FINIS

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To the Supreme Authority, the Parliament of the Common-wealth of England.

The humble Petition of the Sope-makers of London, whose names are hereunto subscribed.

Sheweth,

THAT one of the greatest means (under God) of the comfortable subsistence of this Island in all ages, hath been the giving encouragement to the industrious mannagers of Trade and Traffick: which by reason of those long and many continued troubles, both at home and abroad upon the Nation, and those extraordinary Imposts upon most Commodities, hath bred such consumption in the Trade of the Nation, that it hath brought thousands of Families (that formerly lived comfortably) into extraordinary wants and straits: And amongst all the Trading people of this Land, your Petitioners humbly conceive, that none whatsoever groan under a more insupportable burthen then your Petitioners do, as appears by these particulars following.

First, For that being Sope-makers, they pay Excise for all imported materials they make their Sope of; as for Pot-ashes, Oyl, and Tallow, and not onely so, But

Secondly, As if they with some few others were strangers to the Commonwealth of England, and not capable of the enjoyment of the Liberties and Freedoms thereof; A heavy and grievous burthen is laid upon their shoulders, when as it toucheth not the little fingers of the Generality of the people of this Nation: viz. That after they have with a great deal of hazard, labour, and toyl, made their materials into Sope, then they are constrained to pay 4s. 8d. Excise out of every Barrel they make; so that thereby in effect. they pay Excise for the sweat of their browes, and the labour and toil of their hands; and this is required of them, and that whether they gain or lose by their Commodity; which is a burthen so intollerable, as (if not speedily removed) will unavoydably ruine them; of which, about five years since they most grievously complained, and were thereupon largely promised ease thereof, but never enjoyed it to this day: And therefore now they are necessitated humbly to tender these following reasons for the speedy removal of it for ever.

First, Because, that although by the late wars in Poland by the Tartars, Pot-ashes (by reason of their scarcity) grew of late years to so great a price, that many in England were incouraged to make Pot-ashes, for which they neither pay Excise nor Custome; and yet by reason of the late plenty of Out-landish ashes, by means of which at London, not being able to get their accustomed price for theirs, that for two or three years by past, they have borne, they make them in holes and corners in the Country into Sope, where constantly (as partly may appear by the books of Excise at the grand Office thereof) stealing the Excise of the 4s. 8d. per Barrel, and paying originally no Custome nor Excise, either for their Pot-ashes, or their Tallow, by reason whereof (although for want of skil &c. They make base [4] and unmarchantable Soape) they are able so much to undersel your Petitioners, as that of late they are much impoverished in their trade, the chief means of their livelyhood: And therefore though it have formerly appeared unreasonable to your Honors to lay Excise upon Native Commodities; we hope it will now, much more, appear unreasonable to continue Excise upon Native and bare handy labour, and the sweat of the browes of English men, denominated in words, to be free by birth.

Secondly, Because by the aforesaid meanes the Excise of Sope is so decayed, as that the new incomb of the revenue of it is humbly conceived to add little advantage to the publick purse.

Thirdly, And principally, your Petitioners are English men by birth and breeding, and pay all other manner of taxes freely and willingly, with other people of their Neighbourhood; And several of them also have freely and resolutely with their swords in their hands adventured their lives, and all that is dear to them for the Common Liberties of the Nation, and in the eye of the Law are guilty of no manner of Acts, that renders them either in reason or Justice worthy of being punished with a punishment above the generallity of the Nation; neither can they in any sense, see any reason at all why an Excise should be set upon the sweat of their browes, when almost the whole people of the Land go free in that particular.

Therefore, forasmuch as you have altered the Government of this Nation, from a Kingdom to a Common-wealth, and stiled the last year, the first year of England’s freedom, by God grace: And forasmuch as by your primitive Declarations you declare, that the meanest Commoner of England is equally intituled by birth-right unto the common enjoyment of the Liberties of the Nation with the greatest Subject: And forasmuch as by your late Declaration in Feb. 1648. You positively declare, you are firmly resolved to maintain, preserve, and defend the fundamental Lawes of the Nation, with all things incident and belonging unto the lives, liberties, and properties of the people: Amongst all which Fundamental Laws they are sure of it) this is one of the chiefest; that no one little handful of people shall be burthened in bearing, or contributing to the common charge of the Nation in such a way, as that the Universality, are not touched at all in that kinde.

Wherefore they most humbly pray, (and the rather, for that you are now about settling new Commissioners or Governors of the Excise) that you would make them like the universallity of their brethren, the freemen of England, and totally for ever of your selves, without referring them any more to any Committees whatsoever, take off the Excise of the sweat of their browes, and the labour of their hands; (viz) the aforesaid 45. 8d. per Barrel Excise upon Sope; that so they may thereby once again look upon themselves, as Denizens, and not Aliens to England, and thereby be incouraged, without murmuring, or secret repining of heart, to venture their all, for the common preservation of the Land of their Nativity.

For which they shall ever pray, &c.

[5]

The Copy of the forementioned Answer thus followeth:

TO THE HONOURABLE, the Committee of Parliament for the Regulating the NEW IMPOST of EXCISE where Colonel George Thompson hath the Chair.

The humble Answer of the Soap-makers of London, whose names are hereunto subscribed in behalf of themselves and all the rest of the Subscribers of their late Petition to the Parliament.

MAy it please this Honourable Committee to vouchsafe unto us without offence the same liberty with our pens, that you have before (we humbly thank you therefore) already granted us with our tongues, viz. free liberty to speak for our selves and for the removall of our burthens.

So it is, may it please your Honours that by wofull experience we finding our Estates and Trades daily sinking by reason of a double Excise upon the things we trade in, after we have born the burthen of it for seven years together, as long as it was possible for us to stoop under it and not to have our backs broke by it; for the prevention of which, we lately presented our humble Petition to the Parliament, truly stating our case and humbly craving relief in our oppressions, the copy of which is hereunto annexed; which said Petiton was read in Parliament the 24 day of September last: upon the reading of which, they were pleased to make an Order, the Copy of which thus followeth:

Die Martis 24 September 1650.

ORdered by the Parliament, that it be referred to the Committee of Excise, to take into consideration as well the Excise set upon the materials whereof Soap is made, as also the Excise upon Soap it self, and what is fit to be done in both or either, and report their opinions therein to the House.

Henry Scobell Cler. Parl.

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By which Order the state of our business is referred to the consideration of this Honourable Committee; upon whom tending the third of this present October, which time you were pleased to afford unto us liberty to open unto you the equity and justice of our Petition, and more fully to state unto you our grievances, as also to answer severall of your Objections, arising from the losse that would upon the removal thereof accrue unto the State in its Revenue; and upon the whole you were then pleased to make an Order that the Commissioners of the Excise should be authorised to send up unto your Honours an accompt what Excise hath been made of Soap, and the materials it is made of every year since the first imposition of Excise upon it, and that we should tend upon your Honors the tenth day of this present October to hear your further result upon our businesse, which we did accordingly; and then instead of receiving satisfaction for the removall of the grievances complained of in our Petition, you were pleased to shew and read unto us certain Propositions made unto you by persons whose names certainly we cannot learn, though we earnestly entreated the knowledge of them from you, and from whom we desire no other favour, but that they will with us appear face to face before you, where we doubt not but by word of mouth to make those propositions (when they have said for them what they can) to appear unto your judgments to be as irrational unjust, and as inconsistent with the peace, safety and freedom of this Nation as the principals and habitual practice of those persons that made them are, (if they be the men that by private hands are told us to be) but upon our giving to your Honors a present and considerable satisfactory answer to the said propositions, and upon our earnest desire that we might have from your Clark copies of papers, and a weeks time to present unto you a written Answer to them, you were honorably pleased to grant it; for which we return you our most humble thanks, and therewith tender unto you a copy of the said propositions, and our humble and joynt avowed answer unto them, which thus followeth.

Propositions made to the grand Commissioners of the Excise Anno Dom. 1650. Annoque secundo Libertatum Angliæ.

First, that till the totall of so much be advanced as was the last year, we the undertakers will expect no Sallary.

Secondly, that to make that double which we will engage to do, we shall onely expect 2. s. per l. and that not out of that bare sum, but out of the overplus which shall be produced above the double.

Thirdly, that whatsover we do bring in unto the State or Commissioners above the double of the last years produce, we for our extraordinary pains and industry in it may have a fourth part.

Fourthly, that there be a reasonable allowance for under Officers as the Commissioners shall think fit.

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Whereby these ensuing benefits will inevitably follow, viz.

23.
1. To the State a far larger advance of the Excise then formerly.
24.
2. To the Trade, the great ones shall not be so much as formerly enabled to destroy the inferiour sort.
25.
3. That upon no man whatsoever, there shall be any oppression or injury to him, but a communicative justice shall flow equally to all, according to the true intent and meaning of all former Ordinances and Acts of Parliament in that kind provided.
26.
4. That nothing shall be altered in the former constitution by Ordinance and Acts of Parliament.

Unto all which we most humbly and submissively answer.

And first, to the title Propositions made, &c. Propositions, what are they? many times, if not most times fictious Chymeraes or the like, more then realities or undeniable truths; and if these propositions had carried in them from just, honest, and good men well-affected to the common and just tranquillity of this Nation, a certain assurance to the State (from able men that never broke and compounded three or four times over in a few years) that they should have had a revenue out of the Excise of Soap double to what they have lately enjoyed without prejudice to the whole and present makers of Soap, (all but themselves) or without hazard of losse of the Soap Trade to the Hollanders and those Sea-men that have already attained so much art as to supply with Holland Soap a great part of the great trade of New Castle and Lynn, and steal their Soap ashore without paying any considerable proportion of Excise or Custom therefore, which inables the to sel much under the price that those can afford it that pays both, or without running the apparent hazard of doing ten times so much prejudice to the State then the losse of all the revenue of Excise of Soap comes to, there had been something in their Propositions worth regarding, and we could have born with their endeavours, (viz. the parties that we suppose and are informed made the said propositions) to have made up their broken and re-broken fortunes, and all their by-past engrossing of commodities, as well to the sufficient burning of their own fingers as prejudicing the Common-wealth and all their by-past and visible malignity against the Parliament upon the late Kings score, for which one of them hath pretty wel smarted; but if to us the quite contrary of all fore-mentioned doth so clearly appear, as that we hope and are confident undeniably to make it appear to the judgements and understandings of this Honorable Committee, we hope you will freely bear with our zeal and detestation against the said Propositions, and the persons that we suppose to be the Authors of them; which that we may undeniably doe, we in their own method thus proceed.

And to their first Proposition, viz. That they desire no salary till they have advanced asmuch as was made of Soap the last year, which was 2801 l. 1 s. 2 d. and the year before that it was 2557 l. 17 s. 1 d.

[8]

To which we answer, it is an easie matter to raise money upon the Excise of Soap, but the difficult thing to do it, is to do it justly, without oppression to the whole, and without the particular ruine of those in their Trades and Estates that pay it; which they never look after or speak of; it being their maxim or principle, as appears by their propositions; so they get money they care not how unjustly they come by it: It’s true, the King made the Soapmakers pay him for the Excise of soap in his time above Thirty Thousand pounds per Annum, and there is no doubt but upon the same principals he went upon such men as the proposers are; might raise the Parliament now as much, but God forbid that ever our eyes should see that fatal ruine upon the Parliament, that we have beheld upon the person of the King and his Posterity, for that and things of the like nature, that need no other prospective glass to behold the mischief of; but what is to be found in your own first and grand Remonstrance to the whole Nation, of December 1641. and indeed and in truth, we know not what more truly to stile their proposals, then a perfect and compleat shooing horn, or introduction to a designe (under the pretence of getting the State money) to make the Parliament as odious as ever the King was; and so by consequence, fit the people with as earnest desires to shake off the Parliaments Government, as ever they were to shake off the Kings; in and by which, they might not onely accomplish their own particular ends (in getting money enough (although they collected 2801l.01s. 02d. for nothing) but also the Princes in laying designes by hightned discontents, to bring him to reigne upon his Fathers Throne; to which we are sure of it some of their principles leads them sufficiently (if they be the men whose names are given unto us) and so much for their first proposition.

And as for the second, which is to make the forementioned sum of 2801l.1s. 2d double, which amounts to 5602l.2s. 4d per Annum, and to have 2s. per pound for it, which whether by it be meant the whole 5602l.02s. 4d. or the moetic we know not; which sallarie shall onely arise out of the sum that they will raise and collect more then the double. In answer to which in the first place, we beseech you with us seariously to consider in probability, which way they must go to worke to do it, if it be not first in the Roard the King troad in; which you your selves have already condemned, both in his practice of it, and also in his Person by executing him for it, &c. or, Secondly they must reduce (by way of restraining all others) the whole Trade into certain fixed know hands and houses, where they may keep a man in every house, of their own confiding in to take an exact account of every halfe firkin of Soap that is made; and how dangerous and clamorous this would be, we leave it to be determined by the words declared in your own Declarations: or Thirdly, admit they leave every man free in City and Countrie, to make it as now they do; it is impossible for those in London that have fixed houses, to pay the excise exactly and not to break, as the proposers have done, because there are so many makers of it in the Countrie, in holes and corners (one Brasier in London within these twelve months or little more, having made above a hundred small boyling pans to be set up in obscure places) that pay little or no Excise, as by the Excise books may easily appear, although they make amongst them all, a very large quantity of Soap, the names of [9] which its possible they may find out, and get power enough to break open their dores at all houres in the night, and to break all their vessels in peeces, in case they ever catch them stealing the Excise of one Barrel of Soap, the which will be a total beggeting of them, and an absolute exposing of them to some desperate madd courses, or starve, either of which in these troublesome times, may prove of more dangerous consequence to the State then now can be imagined, and principally will be gain to the proposers in a double capacity; First in regard they are both as we are informed, Soap-makers, and in process of time, their proposals and Acts upon them, may drive all or the greatest of the Trade of Soap-making for England into their own hands, and being their own searchers they will sweetly lick their own fingers, and soundly raise their prizes at their pleasures, being men as is too plainly evident by their actions of no manner of honesty or conscience: or Secondly, if they cannot get the greatest part of the Trade into their own hands, yet we do beleeve that with rigorous courses, they may get as much money by some of the three forementioned wayes, as will raise them 5602l. 2s.4d. and as much overplus as will pay them 2s.per l. for their Salarie, which Salarie will amount to their particular selves (for in their fourth proposition, they desire Salaries for their under Officers) to 560l. per Annum. besides a fourth part of their overplus, if they raise more, which it’s possible they may in some of the foresaid wayes, which Salarie with 2 or 3000l. of the States money they may possibly get into their hands, will make their broken Estates pretty whole, and enable them to live beyond sea for a time, in as ruffling a way as they have done in England, for both of them being not justly worth two groats (God blasting them in all their wicked and shirking wayes) we are confident they will not stand by it, nor can put in no honest and responsible security for the true performance of what they propose.

And as for their third proposal, which to our understanding thus runs, That what by their crooked and rigorous wayes, they bring in by way of Excise upon soap more then 5602l. 2s. 4d.per. Annum; they may have first 5s.per. l. for a fourth part out of it to themselvs; and then their Salarie of 560l. per Annum out of the remainder of it, and out of the remainder of that the Sallaries of their officers; so that suppose by their extraordinary ridged wayes (for such they must run or be totally ruinated and their security, especially if they put in good security to the State, absolutely to bring into their purses double the last years Excise) they collect 2000l. per Annum, over and above the forementioned 5602l. 2s. 4d. they must have out of it 500l. for the fourth part, and 560l. for their 2s. per l. sallarie which makes up 1060l. besides the sallaries of their under officers, which to our understandings will annually, well nigh take up the remaining 940l. of the said 2000. If they exactly provide an Excise man to search and keep accompt in all places of this Nation where Soapmaking is lately set up; there being at New Castle besides the Holland Trade, one or two already, the like at Yorke, Hull, Gainsborough, Lynn, Yarmouth, Norwich, Ipswich, Colchester, Titchfield, Southampton and Plimouth, besides scoares of places in Countrie Market Townes, and small Villages, as Rading, Newbury, Coventrie, &c.

Yea within these few dayes, a mault man at Bowl, hath bought a Pan to [10] boyle Soap in; so that whatsoever the State seems to gaine, they themselves will be sufficient gainers (for worke for nothing, it is undeniable they neither will nor can) having by their Propositions propounded at least 500l. per Annum, for each of themselves, besides what they are likely to get by boyling Soap themselves, in their large offices they already have, where being their own overseers for Excise, it is not to be questioned but they will thereby be enabled to drive a great Trade, and save themselves from paying little or no Excise; by meanes of which we are sure of it they will thereby become the great ones they speak of (in their forementioned second proposal under their beneficial head) that absolutely will be able to eat up the little ones. And at the most the State by this account, will have but 5602l. 2s. 4d. which how jestly or advantagioussy got, we crave leave here in writing (as well as formerly we have done by word of mouth) a little to insert unto this Honorable Committee; and in the first place as then we did, so now we humbly desire you to take notice, that when the Excise of Soap was first laid upon us, it was in the year 1643. when the Parliaments straights were very great, by reason the King had then the greatest part of the Nation under his command, by meanes of which it was impossible for the Parliament to raise a support of money in that ordinary and laudible long accustomed way of subsidies and Fifteens, and therefore were necessitated & compelled for preventing the then unavoidable ruine of themselves and their adherents, to flie to that extraordinary way of Excise, to raise their supportation from the Trading people of the Land, which made the Trades-men the more chearfully pay it, in regard they universally hoped it should continue no longer upon them, then that the lands of the Nation could come regularly to be taxed in that usual and accustomed way of subsidies and fifteens, at which first beginning, the Excise of our Soap was but 3s. per barrel, which for the first year brought in as appears by the aforesaid certificate of the Excise Commissioners 5058l. 05s.01d. and for the second year 4181l.10l. 12d. since which time it hath been raised to 4s.8d. per Barrel, and the last year brought but in 2803l.01s.02d. and the year before that 2557l.17s. 1d. which Excise as we have truely declared in our foresaid Petition, hath in a manner destroyed our Trade, and wasted our Estates, and if continued, must unavoidably force us to give over the way of our livelyhood (to which most of us have been brought up unto from our youth, and served toyling Apprentiships for) or begger us, which we humbly conceive you cannot but apprehend, must sorrowfully cause many sighings, mournings, groanings, and bitter complaints amongst us and our families, but if after we have humbly petitioned for the removal of our said sad insupportable burthens, and be by the Parliament (as by the reading of their Order we hoped and beleeved) referred to you for ease and redress, and instead thereof shall meet with proposals, which if by you countenanced, makes us far worse for our complaining then we were before, and you in the consequence of it no gainers, but absolute losers by raising up such a world of clamours and mournfull outcryes, as must of necessary follow upon the execution of that the proposers clearly drive at; and so much for the third and fourth proposals.

And now most Honorable and Noble Senators, as you have the hearts and [11] spirits within you, of compassionaters of your Countryes miseries, and affections to its welfare and prosperity, as our adversaries have assumed the boldness to propose, fictious, uncertain, and loosing wayes of advance of money to the State (as if they were well-willers to the Nations happinesse, which their actions never gave clear demonstrations of) so we beseech you give us leave without offence most humbly to propose to you, reall, certain, and gaining ways of advance of money to the Nation in such a way as no man in his trade, or calling, or manner of living, shal have any just occasion to except against. For the equality of it, which way we verily beleeve you must come to or else totally destroy the whole Trade of the Nation, and make absolute beggars of all the industrious Trading people of the Nation, the consequences of which, our souls even tremble to think of; but having been we fear too large already, and this being a thing of universall and generall concernment, and wil take up more time then we have allotted to us to bring in this our Answer in, therefore wee humbly crave leave to averre at our utmost perils our ableness within lesse then fourteen days after the presentation hereof, to prescribe in writing to your Honours, if commanded thereunto, what we have said a few lines above, and that it may at present clearly appear unto you that we are no haters of your supplies, nor neglecters of the studying of all just ways to doe it, in answer to your own grand Objection against our desires contained in our said Petition, which is, that your publique charges are great at present, and your straits are many, and therefore to take off our Excise would not onely be a president to the rest, of evill consequence to you, but a lessening of your Revenue, which your present affairs cannot admit of.

In answer to which, we humbly present to your consideration (although we conceive that those that presse the screwing up Excise to the highest, are no well-willers to the durable peace and tranquillity of England, but the quite contrary) that our materials pay but 6 d. per l. when Grocery, &c. pay 12 d. per l. Excise, and then when we have made it into Soap it pays 4 s. 8 d. per Barrel, which at our last being before your Honours, we truly illustrated and declared to you came now upon some sorts of Soap very nigh to 4 s. per l. Excise, which was intollerable to visible fixed houses, especially considering the Trade is so universally defused into the Countrey as now it is, which is truly and particularly declared before, and therefore we humbly entreated you that you would totally take off the 4 s. 8 d. per Barrel Excise upon Soap after it is made, and use us like the generality of the rest of the people of England, by compelling us to pay no more then 12 d. Excise [12] upon every 20s. worth of our materials we buy, so long as you shall continue Excise upon the Nation; by which proposition we humbly enforce the acceptance therof with the following reasons.

First, because we doe verily believe (upon the perusall of our notes and papers since our last being before you) to make it evident, and that you shall finde it by experience, that if you please to lay 12d Excise upon every pounds worth of our materials, viz. Outlandish Pot-Ashes and all imported Oyls and Tallow, it will clearly bring you in as great a sum as for these two last years you have enjoyed from both the materials and Soap, which we humbly conceive will be equall to all, and free many Soap-makers from those indirect means that sometimes they are forced to use for their livelihood, and also from that bondage and slavery they are in thereby to their Apprentices and Journymen, and then with all our hearts let all those that have a minde whereever they are boyle Soap as well as we; and that it will do this, we illustrate from the Custome-house Books, thus:

1. It is supposed that all imported materials belonging to Soap, as Pot-Ashes, Oyls, and Tallow, cannot be brought into the Port of London, &c. (being of so grosse a body as they are, and usually put into such great Casks as they are) and be stoln ashoar without being Customed, and so consequently Excised, which may be collected within the common charge of your ordinary Officers, and so save that 8 d. per l. that by the foresaid Certificate of the Commissioners of Excise is confessed Soap stands in.

2. We find that the Port of London hath heretofore (when the Trade was free from intanglements) vented yearly for many years together 2000 fats of Pot-ashes at the least, which estimated at thirteen hundred weight a fat one with another, make twenty six thousand hundred weight, and reckon them at the medium price of 30 s. per cent. it will come to in money 35000 l. the Excise of which at 12 d. per l. will amount unto 1950 l. besides the quantity of English Pot-Ashes then spent, which we reckon nothing for.

The Port of London hath heretofore vended of all sorts of Fish Oyls in making Soap per Annum, at the least two thousand tuns, besides Oyl Olive, and that two thousand tun at the medium price calculating it at 18 l. per tun, will amount unto at 12 d. per l. Excise, to 1800 l. and the Excise of sweet Oyl considering the quality of its price that is spent in Soap, may be computed about 500 l.

Tallow of all sorts imported from beyond Sea hath been about 300 tun per Annum, and which at the medium price as it hath usually been about 36 l. per tun, the Excise of which at 12 d. per l. will amount to 540 l. in all which is reckoned no other Oyls that is spent in other uses in the Nation, the addition of 6 d. per l. to its Excise, would make up the same about 6000 l. per Annum, which with the saving of the charge of 8 d. per l. the collecting of Soap Excise stands in, would put a full ballance to all that in point of present gain or losse can rationally and justly be said in the present controversie [13] for the whole Excise of Soap and its imported materials for these three years last past by the foresaid Certificate amounts but to 16545 l. 4 s. 11 d. into which is reckoned the Excise made of all sorts of Oyl spent in all England for all other uses as well as Soap, and divide it equally into three years proportion, and it amounts but to 5515 l. 1 s. 7 d. per Annum. which comes but to an equivalent proportion to our foresaid Proposition, and by computation rather fals short of it then otherwise.

But if it should be objected, that it is apparent by the foresaid Certificate of the Commissioners of the Excise, that there is not Annuall for these late years any such quantities of Soap-materials comes in as will in any reasonable proportion raise the sums you speak of for Excise at 12 d. per l. and so you put but a fallacy upon the State.

Unto which with all humility we answer, it is true, by reason of the wars, for divers late years in Poland (the chiefest place from whence Pot-Ashes came) it hath made them scarce, and sometimes raised from the usuall price of betwixt 20 s. and 30 s. per cent. to 7 l. 8 l. 9 l. and 10 l. per hundred, the greatness of which price raised Soap sometimes to 9 d. and 10 d. per l. in which regard the Hollander hath stept into a great part of our Trade, and cannot be prevented by verbally laying double Excise upon his Soap, in regard the Sea-men that usually transport it hither, doth it commonly upon their own accompt, and usually steal, both the Custome and Excise of it, by which means if Excise be kept at its height, the common Sea-man (if he play the good husband, and tread not in the road way of a common spend-thrift) will in a little time become a better Merchant then his Master that fraights him, and in process of time exhaust both his Purse and Trade, and so break his back.

But secondly, This scarcity and dearness of Pot-ashes in Poland, made many here in England aswel as in Denmark, Russia, New England, Virginia, and several places of Germany, rush with violence upon the making of Pot-ashes, which occasioned such a glut all of a sudden, as hath brought down of late the best, Poland Pot-ashes to about 40s. per centum, and will in probability so continue, if not fall in one years time to be a great deal cheaper, which will in an extraordinary measure (as in a large proportion is already visible to be seen) cause that vast quantity of English Pot-ashe, that of late years have been made in England to cease, (that hitherto hath paid no Excise at all) in regard in England they cannot make them to affoord them so cheap, in proportion to Out-landish ashes, seeing the peace in Poland hath restored them to a full capacity of enjoyment of the fulness of their usual Trade of making Pot-ashes, which with that large addition is likely to come out of Germany and other parts, is likely to make them as cheap as ever they were; and so by consequence fill the Custom-house books, with as large quantities of entries as used to be, which will not onely add to your present Customs, but encourage the cloath Trade, which hath heretofore been the onely commoditie bartred for the bringing in of Pot-ashes, which hath of late been usually beyond sea, bought onely for ready money (which is not [14] at all done by any Pot-ashes that is made in England, and which will by consequence restore us to the free enjoyment of our Trade, especially if the Excise of 4 s. 8 d. per Barrel be totally taken off, that so fixed houses do not pay and bear all the charge, and holes and corners nothing; which is easily prevented, and your incombs by Excise onely (besides the increase of much Custom) made in probability, as much if not more, if the charge be laid totally upon the materials at 12 d. per l. as Grocers, &c. pay for their Commodities; and truely, seeing Soap is in a manner as essentially necessary and useful to the sons of men of all sorts, and kinds of both rich and poor, as victual and fireing are, which are some of the essential and necessary supports of man kinde; we see no reason, but that as tender a regard should be had to it as the other; all which we tender to the grave judgement of this Honorable Committee, not doubting but you will grant us our reasonable desires and totally for ever, take off all and every part of the 4 s. 8 d. per barrel Excise upon Soap, and for the future be satisfied with the receipt of 12 d. per l. upon all the imported materials, and totally throw aside the propositions as fictions or dangerous proposals, or else if you do any more upon them, we humbly desire that the authors of them and we may be brought face to face before your Honours to argue out the utility, equity, and justice of each of our proposals; for which favour we shall ever be bound to remain

Your Honours humble and devoted Servants

October 17.
    1650

	John Hayes	John Hardwick
	John Lilburne	Tho. Howlet
	Ja. Barker.	Tho. Woodstack
	Roger Peares	Edward Whitwel
	Tho. Poultney	Richard Cox
	Simon Wedden	Rob. Drinkwater.

[15]

The forementioned Account or Certificate of the Commissioners of Excise, thus followeth.

In obedience to an order of the Honorable Committee for Regulating the Excise or New-Impost, dated October 3. 1650. to certifie unto the Committee what sum and sums of Money have been yearly received for the Excise of Soap, Potashes, sweet Oyl, Whale, and Train Oyl, and of Tallow, since the Duty of Excise was first imposed thereupon; The account of the said Excise to be particular and distinct each from other, with the Charges for Collecting of the same each year.

The Commissioners for Excise do by their Accomptent humbly certifie by the account books in London certainly, and from the Sub-Commissioners accounts, as near as can be collected by estimate.

That there hath been Received for Excise of }				Soap			Potashes			Sweet     Whale } Oils Train			TallowNota the into first years Seap paid Excise but 3s. per Barrel.
London, from Sept. 11. 1643. to Sept. 11. 1644.				l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.
				4658.	05.	01	328.	06.	05	1240.	17.	11	00.	00.	00
The several Counties from the Sub-Commis. viz. the said year.
	l.	s.	d.	400.	00.	00
Bristol			}
Linn Regis	28.	00.	00 }				02.	06.	00	25.	00.	00
Colchester	14.	10.	06 }				05.	00.	00	33.	16.	00
Exeter	17.	18.	06. }				03.	06.	00	26.	10.	00
Norwich	48.	07.	00 }				06.	07.	06	15.	04.	06
Newcastle	26.	04.	04 }				12.	00.	00	23.	09.	00.
Weymouth	30.	06.	08 }				02.	06.	06	30.	01.	09
York	28.	06.	00 }				01.	00.	06	43.	06	03
Southampton	43.	09.	00 }				02.	02.	00	12.	18.	00.	00.	00.	00First Year. }
Dartmouth	27.	7.	06 }				00.	16.	06	55.	01.	09.
Hull	16.	19.	06 }				03.	05.	04.	49.	16.	00
Yarmouth	12.	16.	00 }				01.	00.	00	36.	05.	09
Boston	13.	05.	00. }				01.	10.	00	15.	10.	00.Note the Excise of Tallore commenced July 8. 1644.
Bridgwater	15.	00.	01. }				02.	05.	00	29.	00.	00
Dover	13.	06.	06. }				00.	06.	08	36.	06.	00
Isle wight	24.	01.	06. }				03.	06.	00	08.	15.	00
Plymouth	40.	01.	02. }				03.	02.	00	09.	00.	00
Total of the Counties 400.l.				400.	00.	00	50.	00.	00	450.	00.	00	00.	00.	00

[16]

That there hath been received for Excise of }				Soap			Potashes			Sweet     Whale } Oils Train			Tallow
London from Sept. 11. 1644. to Sept. 29. 1645.				l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.
				3681.	10.	11.½	521.	1.	1.½	1675.	17.	10	100.	7.	05
The several Counties from the Sub-Commis. viz. the said year.
	l.	s.	d. }	500.	00.	00.
{ Bristol
{ Linn-Regis	30.	16.	- }				2.	9.	-	36.	10.	-
{ Colchester	17.	15.	6 }				6.	00.	-	56.	12.	-	9.	5.	6
{ Exeter	26.	4.	6 }				3.	01.	-	13.	9.	6	10.	3.	5
{ Norwich	53.	7.	- }				6.	9.	6.	26.	15.	9
{ Newcastle	29.	6.	4 }				13.	00.	-	51.	6.	3
{ Weymouth	32.	10.	8 }				2.	8.	6.	66.	1.	9
{ York	29.	7.	- }				1.	5.	6.	3.	7.	6.	00.	16.	4
II. Year. { Southampton	47.	12.	- }				2.	5.	-	64.	6.	3.		5.
{ Dartmouth	28.	13.	6 }				1.	15.	-	53.	12.	-	5.	6.	-
{ Hull	20.	1.	6 }				4.	2.	6	42.		9.
Nota, Sope paid Excise the 24: Novemb: 1645 4 s. 8d. per Barrel. { Yarmouth	20.	6.	- }				1.	12.	-	11.	6.	-
{ Boston	26.	1.	- }				1.	15.	-	15.	9.	-
{ Bridgwater	31.	11.	6 }				2.	00.	-	26.	5.	6	2.	00	9
{ Dover	26.	12.	6 }				1.	9.	-	10.	12.		1.	5.	-
{ Isle Wight	34.	7.	- }				2.	19.	-	5.	9.	-	00.	18.	-
{ Plymouth	45.	8.	- }				2.	9.	-	6.	8.	6
Total of the Counties 500. l.				500.	00.	00	55.	00.	00	500.	00.	00	30.	00.	00

London from the 29 Septemb. 1645. to the 29 Septemb. 1646.				4701.	12.	4	315.	10.	11	1199.	6.	6	154.	2.	2
The several Counties from the Sub Commissioners viz. the said year.
{ Bristoll	245.	6.	4 }	1200.			5.	1.	0	0 235.	6.	6	25.	11.	½
{ Lynn Regis	180.	5					2.	11.	0	0 36.	9.	9.	0	1.	10
{ Colchester	64.	8.					5.	16.	0	0 59.	10.	0	18.	9.	6
{ Exeter	30.	6.	8 }				3.	12.	6	0 9.	6.	6.	21.	19.	10½
{ Norwich	86.	15.					6.	13.	9	0 22.	3.	3.	0	0	0
{ New Castle	52.						2.	2.	0	0 39.	16.	0	0	0	0
{ Weymouth	32.	16.	8 }				3.	9.	4	0 51.	11.	6	0	0	0
{ Yorke	36.	18.	9 }				2.	3.	1	0 5.	7.	10	0	0	0
III. Year. { Souththampon	80.	9.	9 }				2.	16.	0	0 69.	10.	4.	0	0	0
{ Dartmouth	86.	16.	10 }				2.	6.	0	0 19.	6.	6	0	0	0
{ Hull	40.	9.	0 }				5.	4.	0	0 32.	6.	6	0	0	0
{ Yarmouth	86.	15.	0 }				1.	16.	0	0 12.	12.	6	0	0	0
{ Boston	34.	8.	0 }				1.	19.	0	0 15.	6.	0	0	0	0
{ Bridgwater	36.	0	0 }				2.	3.	6	0 12.	8.	9	0	0	0
{ Dover	56.	4.	0 }				2.	11.	9	0 9.	16.	4	0	0	0
{ Isle Wight	20.	0	0 }				2.	16.	3.	0 3.	0	3	0	0	0
{ Plymouth	30.	1.	0 }				3.	0	6	0 9.	10.	9	0	0	0
Total of the Counties 1100. l.				1200.			56.	1.	10.	643.	9.	3.	66.	3.	2

[17]

That there hath been received for Excise of }				Soap			Potashes			Sweet     Whale } Oyles Train			Tallow
London from the 29 of Septem. 1646. to the 29 Septem. 1647.				l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.
				2957.	19.	4.	524.	1.	3.	1763.	19.	3½	322.		3.
The several Counties from the Sub Commissioners viz. the said year.
Bristoll	255.	11.	2 }	1082.	17.	1	3.	2.	0	200.	9.	9	27.	9.	9 }
Lynn Regis	120.	16.	10 }				2.	8.		29.	6.	6.
Colchester	74.	12	0 }				5.	10.		46.	8.		15	19.	3 }
Exeter	66.	8.	0 }				3.	8.		8.	3.	3	12.	6.	0 }
Norwich	34.	5.	2 }				4.	10.	4	20.	6.	6
Newcastle	82.	12.	0 }				9.	5.		26	6.	9
Weymouth	36.	15.	0 }				3.	6.	6	49	8.	3
Yorke	52.	12.	0 }				2.	1.	3.	2.	2.
Southampton	20.	5.	6 }				2.	15.		71.	6.	6	4.	5IV. Year.
Dartmouth	28.	10.	0 }				1.	10.		10.	9.	9
Hull	35.	5.	4 }				3.	2.		26.	3.	3.
Yarmouth	25.	6.	0 }				1.	10.		14.	2.	9
Boston	40.	9.	0 }				1.	2.	6	36.	8.	7
Bridgwater	55.	9.	1 }				2.	10.		26.	9.	9
Dover	64.	0	0 }				2.			3.	16.	3
Isle Wight	30.	0	0 }				1.			25.
Plymouth	60.	0	0 }					19.	5.	3.	12.	1
Total of Counties 1082. 17. 1				1082.	17.	1	50			600.			60.

London from 29 Sept. 1647. to 29 Sept. 1648.				2418.	3.	5.	443.	12.	11	1161.	4.	10.½	167.	18.	3½
The several Counties from the Sub Commis. viz. the said year.
Bristoll	230.	9.	9 }	800.			2			186.	9.	6	16.	18
Lynn Regis	80.	5.	5 }				1.	10.		23.	4.	4
Colchester	56.	10.					3.	5.		39.	6.		14.	10.	6 }
Exeter	34.	16.	7 }				4.	6.	6	3.	5.	6	5.	9.	6 }
Norwich	25.	5.	9 }				00.	7.		16.
New Castle	10.	12.					2.	19.	10	12.	5.	6
Weymouth	16.	4.					1.	17.	8	39.	5.
Yorke	26.						2.	12.		1.	1.
Southampton	56.		5. }				1.	15	9	45.	6.	6.
Dartmouth	17.		6. }				2.	6.		8.	9.	9	3.	2V. Year.
Hull	40.						3.	6.		16.	2.	3.
Yarmouth	16.						0.	18.		17.	8.	1.
Boston	25.	8.	8 }				1.	17.		26.	9.	7
Bridgwater	44.	1.					2.	16.	8	36.	9.	9
Dover	48.						3.	18.	7	24.	3.	5
Isle Wight	33.	1.					2.	16.		2.	3.
Plymouth	40.		4. }				1.	8		2.	10.	3
Total of the Counties 800l.				800.			40.			500.			40.

[18]

That there hath been received for Excise of }				Soap			Potashes			Sweet     Whale } Oils Train			Tallow
{ London, from Sept. 29. 1648. to Sept. 29. 1649.				l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.	l.	s.	d.
				1907.	17	1½	54	8	3	13	9	½	139.	00.	6½
{ The several Counties from the Sub-Commis. viz. the said year.
	l.	s.	d. }	650.	00.	00
{ Bristol	239.	05.	05 }				01.	12.	00.	130.	5.	9	12.	8.	5.
{ Linn Regis	60.	03.	03 }				01.	06.	00	19.	06.	06
{ Colchester	45.	00.	06 }				02.	10.	00	25.	03.	00	07	09.	07
{ Exeter	22.	08.	04. }				03.	05.	00	02.	03.	03	06.	06.	00
{ Norwich	15.	03.	03 }				01.	18.	00	14.	16.	00
{ Newcastle	17.	08.	06 }				01.	06.	00	09.	06.	00
{ Weymouth	23.	19.	11 }				00.	18	06	25.	05.	09
VI. Year. { York	23	07.	00 }				02.	05.	00	00.	15.	00
{ Southampton	10.	03.	03 }				01.	06.	00	35.	05.	00.	00.	00.	00
{ Dartmouth	04.	06.	06 }				01.	15.	00	06.	06.	03.	03.	16.	00
{ Hull	16.	08.	00 }				02.	03.	00	12.	03.	06
{ Yarmouth	19.	06.	00 }				01.	05.	00	15.	09.	05
{ Boston	23.	06.	07 }				00.	19.	00	22.	09.	01
{ Bridgwater	33.	15.	00 }				01.	16.	00	24.	06.	04
{ Dover	28.	16.	00 }				02.	17.	06	16.	18.	05
{ Isle wight	30.	01.	00 }				01.	08.	00	15.	00.	06
{ Plymouth	40.	01.	06 }				01.	10.	00	25.	00.	03
Total of the Counties 650.00.00				650.	00.	00	30.	00.	00	400.	00.	00	30.	00.	00

London from the 29 Septemb. 1649. to the 29 Septemb. 1650.				2103.	1.	2	350.	17.	6½	1938.	1	½	228.	17.	7 ½
The several Counties from the Sub Commis. viz. the said year.
{ Bristoll	249.	6.	4 }	700.			1.	19.	0	0 153.	6.	3	13.		9
{ Lynn Regis	76.	8.	6. }				1.	12.	0	0 26.	9.	9.	0		0
{ Colchester	66.	10.					3.	6.	0	0 23.	05.	0	6.	15.	6
{ Exeter	34.	9.					4.	5.	6	0 15.	8.	0.	7.	8.	0
{ Norwich	26.	5.	5 }				1.	19.	0	0 17.	9.	3.	0	0	0
{ New Castle	28.	6.	8 }				1.	18.	0	0 11.	9.	0	0	0	0
{ Weymouth	33.	9.	9 }				1.	16.	6	0 36.	10.	10	0	0	0
{ Yorke	42.	5.					2.	16.		0 2.	9.	0	0	0	0
VII. Year. { Souththampon	26.	3.	3 }				1.	17.	9	0 46.	7.	0.	0	0	0
{ Dartmouth	16.	8.	8. }				2.	5.	0	0 19.	15.	0	2	7.	6
{ Hull	26.	5.	5 }				3.	6.	6	0 26.	9.	3	0	0	0
{ Yarmouth	24.	3.	3 }				1.	5.	3	0 22.	7.	7	0	0	0
{ Boston	26.	5.	5 }				1.	14.	0	0 34.	9.	6	0	0	0
{ Bridgwater	7.	6.	0 }				2.	12.	0	0 16.	19.	0	0	0	0
{ Dover	16.	3	2 }				3.	16.	0	0 23.	9.	5	0	0	0
{ Isle Wight	6.	1.	0 }				2.	9.	0	0 12.	9	1	0	0	0
{ Plymouth	8.	3	0 }				1.	2.	0	0 11.	7.	1	0	0	0
Total of the Counties 700. l.				700.			40.			500.			30.	0	0
Total of they years for London & the Countrey }				27761.	6.	5.	3352.		0.	13932.			1374.	9.	4.

[19]

The charges of Collecting the same each year cannot be certainly known or computed, for that Potashes and Oyls are contained within the Office for Grocery, Druggestry, Saltery, those two Commodities being under the general article of Saltery in the Schedule of rates: and the Commodities under Saltery, together with those under Grocery & Druggestry, are so numerous, as not to proportion any particular Commodity for the charges of it distinctly, from any other Commodities; The like for Tallow under the first Additional; And for Soaps is the like.

But by estimate Soap is about 8 d. in 20 s. received for the charges, And for Pot-ashes, Oyls, and Tallow, each of them is about 7 d. charges in Collecting of every 20 s.

Excise Office in Broadstreet
   London, Octob. 10.
           1650.

Tho. Smith, Accomptant
to the Chief Commissioners for Excise.