CENTRE FOR INDEPENDENT
STUDIES
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"HISTORICAL REFLECTIONS
ON THE CLASSICAL LIBERAL TRADITION"
DR. DAVID M. HART
Updated: 2 March, 2001
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"HISTORICAL REFLECTIONS
ON THE CLASSICAL LIBERAL TRADITION"
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Updated: 2 March, 2001 |
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Or another way of asking the question - what is "classical" about the CLT?
John Gray's idea that CL is a "squabbling ideological family" which has many things in common but also many things about which it fights vigorously as only a family can
When - 1750-1850+
Where
What - See the separate handout - 12 Basic Concepts of Classical Liberalism
Common misperceptions about the CLT. That it is:
Clear up these misperceptions and discuss some forgotten aspects of CLT.
Quotes from JS MIll, On Liberty
Let us suppose, therefore, that the government is entirely at one with the people, and never thinks of exerting any power of coercion unless in agreement with what it conceives to be their voice. But I deny the right of the people to exercise such coercion, either by themselves or by their government. The power itself is illegitimate. The best government has no more title to it than the worst. It is as noxious, or more noxious, when exerted in accordance with public opinion, than when in opposition to it. If all mankind minus one, were of one opinion, and only one person were of the contrary opinion, mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person, than he, if he had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind. Were an opinion a personal possession of no value except to the owner; if to be obstructed in the enjoyment of it were simply a private injury, it would make some difference whether the injury was inflicted only on a few persons or on many. But the peculiar evil of silencing the expression of an opinion is, that it is robbing the human race; posterity as well as the existing generation; those who dissent from the opinion, still more than those who hold it. If the opinion is right, they are deprived of the opportunity of exchanging error for truth: if wrong, they lose, what is almost as great a benefit, the clearer perception and livelier impression of truth, produced by its collision with error.
As it is useful that while mankind are imperfect there should be different opinions, so is it that there should be different experiments of living; that free scope should be given to varieties of character, short of injury to others; and that the worth of different modes of life should be proved practically, when any one thinks fit to try them. It is desirable, in short, that in things which do not primarily concern others, individuality should assert itself. Where, not the person's own character, but the traditions of customs of other people are the rule of conduct, there is wanting one of the principal ingredients of human happiness, and quite the chief ingredient of individual and social progress.
The power of compelling others into it, is not only inconsistent with the freedom and development of all the rest, but corrupting to the strong man himself. It does seem, however, that when the opinions of masses of merely average men are everywhere become or becoming the dominant power, the counterpoise and corrective to that tendency would be, the more and more pronounced individuality of those who stand on the higher eminences of thought. It is in these circumstances most especially, that exceptional individuals, instead of being deterred, should be encouraged in acting differently from the mass. In other times there was no advantage in their doing so, unless they acted not only differently, but better. In this age, the mere example of nonconformity, the mere refusal to bend the knee to custom, is itself a service. Precisely because the tyranny of opinion is such as to make eccentricity a reproach, it is desirable, in order to break through that tyranny, that people should be eccentric. Eccentricity has always abounded when and where strength of character has abounded; and the amount of eccentricity in a society has generally been proportional to the amount of genius, mental vigour, and moral courage which it contained. That so few now dare to be eccentric, marks the chief danger of the time.
I have said that it is important to give the freest scope possible to uncustomary things, in order that it may in time appear which of these are fit to be converted into customs. But independence of action, and disregard of custom, are not solely deserving of encouragement for the chance they afford that better modes of action, and customs more worthy of general adoption, may be struck out; nor is it only persons of decided mental superiority who have a just claim to carry on their lives in their own way. There is no reason that all human existence should be constructed on some one or some small number of patterns. If a person possesses any tolerable amount of common sense and experience, his own mode of laying out his existence is the best, not because it is the best in itself, but because it is his own mode. Human beings are not like sheep;
Impact of nearly a century of liberal reform on European society:
Three things tied much of CLT together:
James Mill gave a clear statement of CL class analysis when he distinguished between the Few that govern and the Many that is governed. Politics is the struggle between these two classes:
The first class, Ceux qui pillent, are the small number. They are the ruling Few. The second class, Ceux qui sont pillés, are the great number. They are the subject Many. ...The great problem of governmnet... is to take away the power by which the class qui pillent succeed in carrying out their vocation... (London Review 1835)
Other examples of CL class analysis of history and contemporary politics:
Example of opposition to slavery
Example of free trade movement. Richard Cobden's slogan for British Free Trade movement was "Peace, Retrenchment and Reform"
Other examples of CL who linked ideas about justice, peace, free trade and class analysis:
J-B. Say
Quote from Cours complet, part 7, ch XIX, "Système agressif et système défensif." Argues that states must use nationalism to divert public attention away from heavy economic burden of supporting taxes for the military.
The large permanent armies which the powers of Europe maintain do not live by pillaging, at least ordinarily, but it should be noted that they are an enormous burden on the industrious people who work indefatigably to support them. But one is obliged to use the stimulation of national vanity to encourage these nations to work this hard. The ideas of military power and glory are used to maintain them. One is encouraged to believe that a large deployment of forces is he only sure means of their security. The people are dulled in times of peace by the sounds of martial music, the sound of drums and the explosion of cannons. But all this costs an enormous amount and is a luxury which is as ruinous as any other. Even so, happy is the nation which does not proceed from the vanity of having such an army to the vanity of making use of it. All war, not to mention the horror of killing one's fellow man, when it is not enjoying the fruits of peace, is only a deception. (p. 286. My translation but part quoted in Silberner, p. 72).
Say's solution to the problem of militarism was to:
James Mill
JM came to conclusion, like Bastiat in argument about "disturbing factors" upsetting harmony of the free market, that the primary reason for poverty and indebtedness of the mass of mankind was the economic distress caused by war. Eats up individuals' savings and diverts capital from productive to unproductive activities. Nations caught in cycle of war-peace-war thus preventing accumulation and prosperity to be established.
To what baneful quarter, then, are we to look for the cause of the stagnation and misery which appear so general in human affairs? War! is the answer. There is no other cause. This is the pestilential wind which blasts the prosperity of nations. This is the devouring fiend which eats up the precious treasure of national economy, the foundation of national improvement, and of national happiness. Though the consumption even of a wasteful government cannot keep pace with the accumulation of individuals, the consumption of war can easily outstrip it. The savings of individuals, and more than the savings of individuals, are swallowed up by it. Not only is the progression of the country stopped, and all the miseries of the stationary condition (i.e. a recession or depression) are experienced, but inroads are almost always made upon that part of the annual produce which had been previously devoted to production. The condition of the country therefore goes backwards; and in general it is only after the country is so exhausted that the expence of war can hardly by any means be found, that it is ever put an end to. When the blessing of peace is restored, the country slowly recovers itself. But hardly has it gained its former prosperity when it is generally re-struck by the calamity of war, and compelled to measure back its steps. In this alternation between misery and the mere beginnings of prosperity, are nations for the most part, condemned to remain; the energies of human nature are exerted to no purpose; its beneficient laws are counteracted; and the happiness of society which seems to be secured by such powerful provisions, like the water of Tantalus, is only allowed to approach the lip, that it may be immediately dashed away from it. (Silberner, pp. 41-2)
JM's solution to the problem of poverty is for governments to avoid war and thus to allow individual capital accumulation to take place. Government policy should be "a steady and enlightened aversion to war' (Silberner, p. 42). This will enable society to gradually increase its wealth in a time of peace.
Nothing however can compensate the destruction of war - the creative efforts of individuals can never equal its gigantic consumption (of wealth), and the seeds of prosperity are eaten up. (Silberner, p. 42)
JM believes a major cause of war is the existence of colonies. Argues this in article "Colonies" in Encyclopaedia Britannica (1824). Colonies are costly to acquire and protect. A nations then needs a large and expensive navy. Commercial benefits of colonies flow to only a few, the "ruling few" , who have monopolised the colonial trade. Furthermore, the administrative posts in the colonies go to members of the ruling class. Colonial wars sought by aristocracy in the army and navy.
Colonies are a great source of wars and of additional expence in war; that expence, by which the ruling few always profit at the cost of the subject many."
View which was shared by Richard Cobden, linking of colonialism and war. JM's solution is
Richard Cobden
"Commerce is the great panacea" (Richard Cobden, England, Ireland and America (1835) in Free Trade and Other Fundamental Doctrines of the Manchester School, ed. Francis W. Hirst (1903), pp. 32-34):
Nor do we think it would tend less to promote the ulterior benefit of our continental neighbours than or own, were Great Britain to refrain from participating in the conflicts that may arise around her. An onward movement of constitutional liberty must continue to be made by the less advanced nations of Europe, so long as one of its greatest families holds out the example of liberal and enlightened freedom. England, by calmly directing her undivided energies to the purifying of her own internal institutions, to the emancipation of her commerce - above all, to the unfettering of her press from its excise bonds - would, by thus serving as it were for the beacon of other nations, aid more effectually the cause of political progression all over the continent, than she could possible do by plunging herself into the strife of European wars
To those generous spirits we would argue, that, in the present day, commerce is the great panacea, which, like a beneficent medical discovery, will serve to inoculate with the healthy and saving taste for civilization all the nations of the world. Not a bale of merchandise leaves our shores, but it bears the seeds of intelligence and fruitful thought to the members of some less enlightened community, not a merchant visits our seats of manufacturing industry, but he returns to his own country the missionary of freedom, peace, and good governmnet - whilst our steamboats, that now visit every port of Europe, and our miraculous railroads, that are the talk of all nations, are the advertisements and vouchers for the value of our enlightened institutions.
In closing this part of our task, we shall only add, that, whatever other plea may in future be allowed to induce us to embark on a continental conflict, we trust we have proved, that so far as our commerce is concerned, it can neither be sustained nor greatly greatly injured abroad by force or violence. The foreign customers who visit our markets are not brought hither through fears of the power of influence of British diplomatists: they are not captured by our fleets and armies: and as little are attracted by feelings of love for us; for that 'there is no freindship in trade', is a maxim equaly applicable to nations as to individuals. It is solely from the promptings of self-interest, that the merchants of Europe, as of the rest of the world, send their ships to our ports to be freighted with the products of our labour. The self-same impulse frew all nations, at different periods of history, to Tyre, to Venice, and to Amsterdam; and if, in the revolution of time and events, a country should be found (which is probable) whose cottons and woollens shall be cheaper than those of England and the rest of the world, then to that spot - even should it, by supposition, be buried in the remotest nook of the globe - will all the traders of the world flock; and no human power, no fleets or armies, wil prevent Manchester, Liverpool, and Leeds from sharing the fate of their once proud predecessors in Holland, Italy, and Phoenicia
On the principle of non-intervention in the affairs of other nations (Speech 1850):
I maintain this government has no right to interfere with any other form of government If you want to give a guarantee for peace, and, as I believe, the surest guarantee for progress and freedom, lay down this principle, and act on it, that no foreign state has a right by force to interfere with the concerns of another state, even to confer a benfit on it Let us begin, and set the example to other nations of this non-intervention. I have no doubt that our example and protest would exercise some influence upon the Government of Austria and Russia; but what possible moral influence can this country have with those States when the Government goes abroad to interfere with the domestic affairs of other countries. (Edsell, p. 242).
Common argument in favour of war, used by many liberals, was
responsibility of Britain to defend liberal movements for national
independence. Most recent example was Hungarian revolution in
1848-9 suppressed by Russians. Argument was that Russia must be
punished for this by war. Issue split liberal movement into Cobdenite
peace camp and pro-interventionists. Although RC supported independence
movements in central and eastern Europe he did not believe it
was Britain's task to be the policeman of Europe (parallel with
US after WW2, President George Bush's New World Order after Gulf
War).
In speech in Commons December 22, 1854:
To set myself right with those hon. Gentlemen who profess to have great regard for liberty everywhere, I beg to state that I yield to no one in sympathy for those who are struggling for freedom in any part of the world; but I will never sanction an interference which shall go to establish this or that nationality by force of arms, because that invades a principle which I wish to carry out in the other direction - the prevention of all foreign interference with nationalities for the sake of putting them down...(Speeches pp. 311-12). Are we to be the Don Quixotes of Europe, to go about fighting for every cause where we find that some one has been wronged? In most quarrels there is generally a little wrong on both sides; and, if we make up our minds always to interfere when any one is being wronged, I do not see always how we are to choose between the two sides. It will not do always to assume that the weaker party is in the right, for little States, like little individuals, are often very quarrelsome, presuming on their weakness, and not unfrequently abusing the forbearance which their weakness procures them. (Speeches, p. 314).
CL had many dimensions. Liberty was a multi-dimensional thing (often now forgotten - just economic rationalism).
Examples:
the "illustrados"
"The Club Duel" between 2 peasants
exile in Bordeaux
Los Caprichos (1799) or "Ideology made graphic" - The Caprices
Beethoven
An Ode to Joy - Friedrich von Schiller (1759-1805)
Extract from Beethoven's 9th Symphony - full or short (both MP3).
Sondern laßt uns angenehmere anstimmen and freudenvollere! |
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Joy, thou beauteous godly lightning, Be embrac'd, ye millions yonder! |
Tochter aus Elysium, Wir betreten feuertrunken, Himmlische, dein Heiligtum! Deine Zauber biinden wieder, Was die Mode streng geteilt; Alle Menschen werden Brüder, Wo dein sanfter Flügel weilt. |
This historical reflection suggest a number of areas where the modern version of (classcial) liberalism is seriously deficient: